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Thursday, August 2, 2012

INDIAN HEMP DRUGS COMMISSION - ON THE RELIGION OF HEMP

REPORT OF THE INDIAN HEMP DRUGS COMMISSION, 1893-94.
APPENDIX
NOTE BY MR. J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E., COLLECTOR OF LAND REVENUE AND CUSTOMS AND OPIUM, BOMBAY, ON THE RELIGION OF HEMP.

To the Hindu the hemp plant is holy. A guardian lives in the bhang leaf. As the wife of Vishnu, the preserver, lives in the hysteria-curing tulsi, or Holy Basil, and as Shiva dwells in the dysentery-scaring bel, AEgle marmelos, so the properties of the bhang plant, its power to suppress the appetites, its virtue as a febrifuge, and its thought-bracing qualities show that the bhang leaf is the home of the great Yogi or brooding ascetic Mahadev.
So holy a plant should have special rearing. Shiva explains to his wife, Parvati, how, in sowing hemp seed, you should keep repeating the spell 'Bhangi', 'Bhangi', apparently that the sound of that guardian name may scare the evil tare-sowing influences. Again, when the seedlings are planted the same holy name must be repeated, and also at the watering which, for the space of a year, the young plants must daily receive. When the flowers appear the flowers and leaves should be stripped from the plant and kept for a day in warm water. Next day, with one hundred repetitions of the holy name Bhangi, the leaves and flowers should be washed in a river and dried in an open shed. When they are dry some of the leaves should be burnt with due repeating of the holy name as a jap or muttered charm. Then, bearing in mind Vagdevata, or the goddess of speech, and offering a prayer, the dried leaves should be laid in a pure and sanctified place. Bhang so prepared, especially If prayers are said over it, will gratify the wishes and desires of its owner. Taken in the early morning such bhang cleanses the user from sin, frees him from the punishment of crores of sins, and entitles him to reap the fruits of a thousand horse-sacrifices. Such sanctified bhang taken at day break or noon destroys disease. Before the religious user of bhang stand the Ashtadevata or Eight Guardians with clasped hands ready to obey him and perform his orders. The wish of him who with pure mind pours bhang with due reverence over the Ling of Mahadev will be fulfilled.
Such holiness and such evil-scaring powers must give bhang a high place among lucky objects. That a day may be fortunate the careful man should on waking look into liquid bhang. So any nightmares or evil spirits that may have entered into him during the ghost-haunted hours of night will flee from him at the sight of the bhang and free him from their blinding influences during the day. So too when a journey has to be begun or a fresh duty or business undertaken it is well to look at bhang. To meet some one carrying bhang is a sure omen of success. To see in a dream the leaves, plant, or water of bhang is lucky; it brings the goddess of wealth into the dreamer's power. To see his parents worship the bhang-plant and pour bhang over Shiva's Ling will cure the dreamer of fever. A longing for bhang foretells happiness: to see bhang drunk increases riches. No good thing can come to the man who treads under foot the holy bhang leaf.
So evil-searing and therefore luck-bringing a plant must play an important part in the rites required to clear away evil influences. During the great spirit time of marriage in Bombay among almost all the higher classes of Gujarat Hindus, of the Jain as well as of the Brahmanic sects, the supplies sent by the family of the bride to the bridegroom's party during their seven days' sojourn includes a supply of bhang. The name of the father who neglects to send bhang is held in contempt. Again, after the wedding, when the bride-groom and his friends are entertained at the house of the bride, richly-spiced bhang is drunk by the guests. The Gujarat .Musalman bride before and after marriage drinks a preparation of bhang. Among the Pardeshi or North Indian Hindus of Bombay bhang is given not only at weddings, but the Pardeshi who fails to give his visitor bhang is despised by his caste as mean and miserly. Another great spirit time during which bhang plays an important part is the time of war. Before the outbreak of a war and during its progress the Ling of Mahadev should be bathed with bhang. Its power of driving panic influences from near the god has gained for bhang the name of Vijaya, the unbeaten. So a drink of bhang drives from the fighting Hindu the haunting spirits of fear and weariness. So the beleaguered Rajput, when nothing is left but to die, after loosing his hair that the bhang spirit may have free entrance, drinks the sacramental bhang and rushing on the enemy completes his juhar or self-sacrifice. It is this quality of panic-scaring that makes bhang, the Vijaya or Victorious, specially dear to Mahadev in his character of Tripur, .the slayer of the demon Tripurasur. As Shiva is fond of bel leaves, as Vishnu is fond of tulsi leaves, so is Tripuresvar fond of bhang leaves. He who wishes to obtain his desires must constantly offer bhang to Tripuresvar.
Bhang the cooler is a febrifuge. Bhang acts on the fever not directly or physically as an ordinary medicine, but indirectly or spiritually by soothing the angry influences to whom the heats of fever are due. According to one account in the Ayurveda, fever is possession by the hot angry breath of the great gods Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva. According to another passage in the Ayurveda, Shankar or Shiva, enraged by a slight from his father-in-law Daksha, breathed from his nostrils the eight fevers that wither mankind. If the fever-stncken performs the Vijaya abhishek, or bhang-pouring on the Ling of Shankar, the god is pleased, his breath cools, and the portion of his breath in the body of the fever-stricken pleased to inflame. The Kashikhanda Purana tells how at Benares, a Brahman, sore-smitten with fever, dreamed that he had poured bhang over the self-sprung Ling and was well. On waking he went to the Ling, worshipped, poured bhang this cure brings to Benares sufferers from fever which no ordinary medicine can cure. The sufferers are laid in the temple pour bhang ever the Ling whose virtue has gained it the name Jvareshwar, the Fever-Lord. Bombay many people sick of fever vow on recovery to pour bhang over a Ling. Besides cure for fever bhang has many medicinal virtues. It cools the heated blood, soothes the over-wakeful to sleep, gives beauty, and secures length of days. It cures dysentery and sunstroke, clears phlegm, quickens digestion, sharpens appetite, makes the tonic of the lisper plain, freshens the intellect, and gives alertness to the body and gaiety to the mind. Such are the useful and needful ends for which in his goodness the Almighty made bhang. In this praise of the hemp the Makhzan or great Greek-Arab work on drugs joins... Ganja in excess uses abscess, even madness. In moderation bhang is the best of gifts. Bhang is a cordial, a bile absorber, an appetizer, a prolonger of life. Bhang quickens fancy, deepens thought, and Judgment. As on other guardian-assessed objects, the cow, the Vedas, or the leaf oaths are taken on the bhang leaf Even to a truthful witness an oath on of the be1 tree, dreaded. To one who forswears himself the bhang oath is death the bhang leaf. So holy a plant must play a leading part in temple rights. Shiva on fire with the poison churned from the ocean was cooled by bhang. At another time enraged with family worries the fields. The cool shade .of a plant soothed him. He crushed and of the leaves, and the bhang refreshed him. For these two benefits bhang is Shankarpri , the Mahadev. So the right user of bhang or of ganja, before beginning to drinker smoke, offers the drug to Mahadev saying, lena Shankar, lena Babulnath: be pleased to take Shankar, take it Babulnath. According to the Shiva Parann, from the dark fourteenth of Magh (January-February) to the light fourteenth of Asbadh (June-July), that is, during the three months of the hot weather, bhang should be daily poured over the Ling of Shiva every day, bhang should be poured at least during the first and last days of this period. According to the Meru Tantra on any Monday, especially on Shravan (July-August) Mondays, on all twelfths pradoshs, and on all dark fourteenths or shivratris still more on the Mahashivratri or Shiva's Great Night on dark fourteenth of Magh (January-February.), and at all eclipses of the sun or moon, persons wistful either for this world or for the world to come should offer bhang to Shiva and pour it over the Ling. Not every devotee of Shiva makes offerings of bhang. Such rites in Bombay are seldom performed except in the Bhuleswar and Babulnath temples and there only on special occasions. The bhang offered to Mahadev is without pepper or other spice. It is mixed with water, water and milk, or milk and sugar. It is poured over the Ling. According to some authorities the offerer should not touch the offered bhang. Temple ministrants Atits, Tapodhans, Bhojaks, Bhopis, Bharadis, Gutaras alone should drink it. If there are no ministrants the remains of the offering should be poured into a well or given to cows to drink. Other authorities encourage the offerer to the bhang, since by sipping the bhang reaches and soothes the Shiva-Shakti or Shiva-spirit in the sipper. On certain social occasions during failures of rain, during eclipses, and also in times of war libations of bhang are poured ever the Ling.
Vaishnavas as well as Shaivas make offerings of bhang. The form of Vishnu Or, the Guardian to whom bhang is a welcome offering is Baladev, Bainram, or Dauji, the elder brother Krishna. Baladev was fond of spirits, not of bhang. But Banins, Bhatias, and other high class Hindus, not being able to offer spirits instead of spirits the offering of bhang to Baladev, unlike the special offerings to Shiva, present bhang. In Bombay, without an offering of bhang no worship of Baladev is complete, offerings to Shiva is a common and everyday rite. Unlike the plain or milk and sugared bhang spilt over the Ling, Baladev's bhang is a richly-spiced liquid which all present, including the offerer, join in drinking. Such social and religious ions drinking of bhang is common in Bombay in the temple of Dauji in Kalyan' Kirparam lane near Bhuleshwar. As in the higher class worship of Baladev the liquor offering has been refined into an offering of bhang so it is in the worship of Devi, Shiva's early and terrible consort. On any Tuesday or Friday, the two week-days sacred to Devi, still more during the Navrata or Nine Nights in Ashwin or September-October, those whose caste rules forbid liquor make a pleasing spices bhang. And as in, the worship of Baladev all present, worshipper and ,ministrant alike, join in drinking. Shitaladevi, the Cooler, the dread goddess of small-pox, whose nature, like the nature of bhang, is cooling, takes pleasure in offerings of bhang. During epidemics of small-pox the burning and fever of the disease are soothed by pouring bhang over the image of Shitaladevi. So for the feverishness caused by the heats especially to the old no cure equals the drinking of bhang. Unlike spirits the tempter to flesh bhang the craver for milk is pleasing to the Hindu religion. Even according to the staitest school of the objectors to stimulants, while to a high caste Hindu the penalty for liquor-drinking is death, no penalty attaches to the use of bhang, and a single day's fast is enough to cleanse from the coarser spirit of ganja. Even among those who hold stimulants to be devil-possessed penalty and disfavor attach to the use of hemp drugs only when they are taken with no religious object and without observing the due religious rites.
At the other extreme of Hindu thought from the foes to stimulants, to the worshippers of the influences that, raising man out of himself and above mean individual worries, make him one with the divine force of nature, it is inevitable that temperaments should be found to whom the quickening spirit of bhang is the spirit of freedom and knowledge. In the ecstasy of bhang the spark of the Eternal in man turns into light the murkiness of matter or illusionand self is lost in the central soul-fire. The Hindu poet of Shiva, the Great Spirit that living in bhang passes into the drinker, sings of bhang as the clearer of ignorance, the giver of'knowledge. No gem or jewel can touch in value bhang taken truly and reverently. He who drinks bhang drinks Shiva. The soul in whom the spirit of bhang finds a home glides intothe ocean of Being freed from the weary round of matter-blinded self. To the meaner man, still under the glamour of matter or maya, bhang taken religiously is kindly thwarting the wiles of his foes and giving the drinker wealth and promptness of mind. In this devotion to bhang, with reverence, not with the worship, which is due to Allahalone, the North Indian Mussulman joins hymning the praises of bhang. To the follower of the later religion of Islam the holy spirit in bhang is not the spirit of the Almighty. Itthe spirit of the great prophet Khizr or Elijah. That bhang should be sacred to Khizr isnatural. Khizr is the patron saint of water. Still more Khizr means green, the revered colour of the cooling water of bhang. So the Urdu poet sings 'When I quaff fresh bhang I liken its colony to the fresh light down of thy youthful beard.' The prophet Khizr or the Green prophet cries ' May the drink be pleasing to thee.' Nasir, the great North Indian Urdupoet of the beginning of the present century, is loud in the praises of his beloved Sabzi, the Green one. 'Compared with bhang spirits are naught. Leave all things thou fool, drink bhang.' From its quickening the imagination Musalman poets honour bhang with the title Warak al Khiyall, Fancy's Leaf. And the Makhzan or great Arab-Greek drug book records many other fond names for the drug. Bhang is the Joy-giver, the Sky-flier, the Heavenly-guide, the Poor Man's Heaven, the Soother of Grief.
Much of the holiness of bhang is due to its virtue of clearing the head and stimulating the brain to thought. Among ascetics the sect known as Atits are specially devoted to hemp. No social or religious gathering of Atits is complete without the use of the hemp plant.
smoked in ganja or drunk in bhang. To its devotee bhang is no ordinary plant that became , holy from its guardian and healing qualities. According to one account, when nectar was produced from the churning of the ocean, something was wanted to purify the nectar. The deity supplied the want of a nectar-cleanser by creating bhang. This bhang Mahadev made from his own body, and so it is called angaj or body-born. According to another accountsome nectar dropped to the ground and from the ground the bhang plant sprang. It was because they used this child of nectar or of Mahadev in agreement with religious forms that thee seers or Hishis became Siddha or one with the deity. He who, despite the example of the Hishis, uses no bhang shall lose his happiness in this life and in the life to come. In the end he shall be cast into hell. The mere sight of bhang, cleanses from as much sin as a thousand horse-sacrifices or a thousand pilgrimages. He who scandalizes the user of bhang shall suffer the torments of hell so long as the sun endures. He who drinks bhang foolishly or for pleasure without religious rites is as guilty as the sinner of lakhs of sins. He who drinks wisely and according to rule, be he ever so low, even though his body is smeared with human ordure and urine, is Shiva. No god or man is as good as the religious drinker of bhang. The students of the scriptures at Benares are given bhang before they sit to study. At Benares, Ujjain, and other holy places yogis, bairagis and sanyasis take deep draughts of bhang that they may Centre their thoughts on the Eternal. To bring back to reason an unhinged mind the best and cleanest bhang leaves should be boiled in milk and turned to clarified butter. Salamisri, saffron, and sugar should be added and the whole eaten. Besides over the demon of Madness bhang is Vijaya or victorious over the demons of hunger and thirst. By the help of bhang ascetics pass days without food or drink. The supporting power of bhang has brought many a Hindu family safe through. the miseries of famine. To forbid or even seriously to restrict the use of so holy and gracious a herb as the hemp would cause widespread suffering and annoyance and to the large bands of worshipped ascetics deep-seated anger. It would rob the people of a solace in discomfort, of a cure in sickness, of a guardian whose gracious protection saves them from the attacks of evil influences, and whose mighty power makes the devotee of the Victorious, overcoming the demons of hunger and thirst, of panic fear, of the glamour of Maya or matter, and of madness, able in rest to brood on the Eternal, till the Eternal, possessing him body and soul, frees him from the having of self and receives him into the ocean of Being. These beliefs the Musalman devotee shares to the full. Like his Hindu brother the Musalman fakir reveres bhang as the lengthener of life, the freer from the bonds of self. Bhang brings union with the Divine Spirit. 'We drank bhang and the mystery I am He grew plain. So grand a result, so tiny a sin.''
NOTE BY BABU ABHILAS CHANDRA MUKERJI.
NOTE BY BABU ABHIILAS CHANDRA MUKERJI, SECOND INSPECTOR OF EXCISE, BENGAL, ON THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF TRINATH WORSHIP IN EASTERN BENGAL,. '
Date of origin.--In 1867 Babu Annnda Chandra Kali or Kailai, of Dhamrai, a village in thana Sabhar of the Dacca district, first started the worship at the house of his father-in- law at Fattehpur in the Atia pargana of the Mymensingh district (sub-division Tangail). Antecedent: of the originator.--Dhamrai is an important village in the Dacca district for its car festival, which is annually held in honour of a local idol named Madhab Thakur, and which is witnessed by a large gathering of people. Ananda Chandra received education at the Dacca Normal School. After leaving school he served for some time as a pundit (schoolmaster), and then entered the Police Department, but was there only a short time. He is a Barendra Brahman and belongs to a respectable family. He learnt to smoke ganja when he was only a boy. His present age Is 60 years. He has the reputation of being a versifier. He smokes two pice worth of ganja every day.
He married at Fattehpur in the Mymensingh district. There he introduced Trinath worship 27 years ago. A panchali (poem) reciting the praises and exploits of Trinath was first published at Dacca in 1871 and the first edition (l,000 copies) was sold in a few months.
The circumstances under which the worship was first started.-Ananda Chandra Kali was at the time living in the house of his father-in-law. He was thinking of introducing the worship of a common god, who might be worshipped by all classes, rich and poor, Brahman and Chandal, and by all creeds, Saktas, Baishnavas, and Shaivas, and the idea occurred to him of having the present worship at which ordinary and inexpensive things, such as ganja, oil, and betel-leaf, were alone to be used. ·
Trinath (from Sanskrit Tri, three, and Nath, lord) is represented to be Brahma, Bishnu and Shiva, the Hindu Trinity in one.
Being a ganja-smoker himself Ananda Kali may have also thought that by introducing the worship he would be able to save the ganja-smokers from disrepute, as then ganja could be consumed in the name of a god and under colour of doing a religious or pious act.
Religious aspect of the worship.--The following translation of the Introduction to the Trinath Mela Panchali gives some idea of the subject :
The universe consists of the earth, the heaven, and the nether world, and Trinath is the lord of these three worlds.
"There was an incarnation of God in the form of Gour (Chaitanya), who delivered· the sinners by preaching the name of Hari, but the Lord was not satisfied with this, and became concerned for the created, and soon he became incarnate again. Brahma, Bishnu and Shiva, gods in three forms, manifested themselves in one form. The one God, the Lord of the. universe, seeing the miseries of mankind, came to their deliverance. Ananda (Ananda Chandra Kali, the originator)declares that the true and sincere worshippers of Trinath are sure to obtain salvation. Brahma, Bishnu, and Shiva met together and expressed their desire,
to come to this world in one form to receive worship. .
"He is a truly pious man who worships Trinath, and blessings are showered on the worshipper.
"The worship should be made in a form in which the rich and the poor may equally join and may perform it easily.
"Only three things, each worth one pice, are required for this puja (form of worship)..
The things which please all must be selected. The offering should consist of siddhi (ganja),. pan (betel-leaf), and oil, each worth one pice. .
"The votaries should assemble at night and worship with flowers. The ganja should be washed in the manner in which people wash ganja for smoking. The worshipper must fill three chillums with equal quantities of ganja, observing due awe and reverence. When all, the worshippers are assembled the lamp should be lit with three wicks, and the praises of Tri- should be sung. As long as the wicks burn, the god should be worshipped and his praises chanted. The god should be reverentially bowed to at the close of the puja. When the reading of the Panchali is finished, those that will not show respect to the Prasad (theoffering which has been accepted by the god), i.e., chillum of ganja, shall be consigned to.
eternal hell, and the sincere worshippers shall go to heaven. ,
How the worship spread.--Anauda Kali commenced the puja with the aid of some ganja smokers in the village of Fattehpur. A large number of people consume ganja in the Dacca and Mymensingh districts, and the worship soon became popular. In fact it spread like wild-fire from one village to another among the ganja-smokers. Those that were not in the habit of consuming ganja also followed their example.
The following circumstances assisted the spread of the Worship :
I.--The puja is open to all classes from Brahmans to Chandals and to the rich and the poor. Caste does not stand in its way, and it may be performed almost every day and in all seasons.
II.--The pup is a Manarik Puja (made in pursuance of a vow on the fulfillment of the object desired).. People have been led to believe that Trinath possesses the power of .healing the sick and fulfilling desires, and .that those who. neglect his worship meet with disgrace, while those who observe it attain success in life. There are several stories m the Panchali narrated in illustration of this statement. It is also popularly believed that in the house where Trinath is worshipped cold: fever and headache do not appear.
III.--This is a cheap form of worship. The puja can be performed by even the poorest, only three pies being required.
IV.--People of the lowest class can mix with those above them without distinction of caste or creed on the occasion of these pujas.
V.--Ganja eau be consumed by all in the name of a god, and the practice cannot be looked down upon, because it is done under certain forms and religious ceremonies. It is also popularly believed that those who mock the worshippers of Trinath shall be ruined and shall be the victims of misfortune.
The worship prevails not only among the poor, but also among the well-to-do. The latter often entertain their friends after the puja.
Women do not take any active part in the worship, but they often listen to the reading. of the Panchali.
The worship is more or less general in the following districts :--(1) Dacca, (2) Mymensingh, (3) Faridpur, (4) Backergunge, (5) Noakhali, (6) Tippers, (7) Chittagong, (8) Bogra, (9) Sylhet, and (10) Pabna (SerajgaDj side). .,,
The worship is on the decline. It is almost dying out among the educated
]Jut among the masses it Still exists.
. I have ascertained the above facts from Dr. Chandra Sekhar Kali (brother of the originator, Ananda Chandra Kali) and many other respectable persons, and also from personal inquiries in the Daces, Chittagong and Rajshahi divisions.

Indian Hemp Drugs Commission Report-SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CUSTOMS.

Indian Hemp Drugs Commission Report
CHAPTER IX
SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CUSTOMS.

Scope of this Chapter.
431. In the instructions issued to the Commission by the Government of India, reference is made to the use of hemp drugs among fakirs and ascetics who are held in veneration by large classes of the people, and to the custom, which is believed to obtain to a large extent in Bengal, of offering an infusion of bhang to every guest and member of the family on the last day of the Durga Puja. The Commission were instructed to ascertain to what extent these and similar customs prevail in Bengal and other parts of India, and how far the use of hemp drugs forms a part of social, or possibly religious, ceremonial or observance. Questions 32 and 33 of the Commission's questions were intended to elicit information on these points.
Bengal.
432. In Bengal there is a considerable body of evidence dealing with these customs, and more particularly with the custom of offering an infusion of bhang on the last day of the Durga Puja. Some few witnesses, it is true, state either that no social or religious custom with which hemp drugs are connected exists, or that they are unaware of any such custom; but the great majority of the witnesses either give an account of them more or less full, or allude to them briefly as matters of common notoriety.
Durga Puja.
433. The custom of offering an infusion of the leaves of the hemp plant to every guest and member of the family on the Bijoya Dasami, or last day of the Durga Puja, is common in Bengal, and may almost be said to be universal. It is alluded to by many of the witnesses who refer to its use on this occasion as well as on other days of the Durga Puja festival. But, while there can be no doubt as to the existence of the custom, there is considerable divergence of opinion as to the true nature of it. The custom itself is a simple one. On the last day of this great festival the male members of the family go forth to consign the image to the waters and on their return the whole family with their guests exchange greetings and embrace one another. During this rejoicing a cup containing an infusion of the leaves of the hemp plant is handed round, and all are expected to partake thereof, or at least to place it to the lips in token of acceptance. Sweetmeats containing hemp are also distributed. Opinion is almost equally divided as to whether the custom is a mere social observance, or whether it is an essential part of the religious ceremonial of the festival. There is difference whether there is any injunction in theof opinion among the witnesses as to Shastrasrendering obligatory the consumption of hemp; but Tantric religious works sanction the use, and the custom whatever be its origin may now be said from immemorial usage to be regarded by many people as part of their religious observances. From the evidence of the witnesses it would appear that there is no specific direction in the Shastras of the manner in which the drug should be used but from the references quoted it would appear that the use alluded to is authority that of bhang in the form of an infusion. Witnesses who can speak Mahamahon hopadhya Mahesa Chandra Nyayaratna, C.I on the subject, such as Principal of the Government Sanskrit College, Calcutta, testify to religious sanction for the use of bhang or siddhi, while many witnesses of high social position, well acquainted with the habits of the people, as, for example, Maharaja Sir Jotindra Mohain Tagore, K.C.S.I., Maharaja Durga Charan Law, Raja Piari Mohan Mukharji, C.S.I., Rai Rajkumar Sarvadhikari Bahadur, Rai Bahadur Kanai Lall . Day, C.I.E., and others, speak to the prevalence of the custom, its intimate association with the religious devotions of the people, and the innocent harmlessness of the practice.
Other occasions on which bhang is used.
434. The custom described above, and which refers solely to bhang as distinguished from other preparations of the hemp plant, is he most important occasion on which bhang is used as a part of social or religious ceremonies; but there is evidence to show that the drug in this form is used at other festivals. For example, at the Holi festival, which is observed more generally in Behar than in other parts of the Lower Provinces, bhang is commonly consumed; and, according to many witnesses, at such festivals as the Diwali, Chait Sankranti, Pous Sankranti, Sripanchami, Sivachaturdasi, Ramnavami, and indeed on occasions of weddings and many other family festivities. But, so far as the evidence shows, the use on those occasions is a matter of social custom observed more generally in some parts of the province than in others, and, although nodoubt there may be some who consider it essential to their devotions, partaking but little of the nature of general religious observance. In Orissa bhang is largely used by the attendants and worshippers at the temple of Jagannath at Puri; and there appears also to exist a custom, somewhat similar to that of the Durga Puja in Bengal, of offering siddhi or bhang in the form of sweetmeats to the god Ganesh, which are then eaten by the worshippers and their friends and relatives. This festival, called the Ganesh Chaturthi, occurs in the month of Bhadro (August-September).
Connection of ganja with the worship of Siva.
435. It is chiefly in connection with the worship of Siva, the Mahadeo or great god of the Hindu trinity, that the hemp plant, and more especially perhaps ganja, is associated. The hemp plant is popularly believed to have been a great favourite of Siva, and there is a great deal of evidence before the Commission to show that the drug in some form or other is now extensively used in the exercise of the religious practices connected with this form of worship. Reference to the almost universal use of hemp drugs by fakirs, jogis, sanyasis, and ascetics of all classes, and more particularly of those devoted to the worship of Siva, will be found in the paragraphs of this report dealing with the classes of the people who consume the drugs. These religious ascetics, who are regarded with great veneration by the people at large, believe that the hemp plant is a special attribute of the god Siva, and this belief is largely shared by the people. Hence the of many fond epithets ascribing to ganja the significance of a divine pro-party, and the common practice of invoking the deity in terms of adoration before placing the chillum or pipe of ganja to the lips. There is evidence to show that on almost all occasions of the worship of this god, the hemp drugs in some form or other are used by certain classes of the people it is established by the evidence of Mahamabopadhya Mahesa Chandra Nyayaratna and of other witnesses that siddhi is offered to the image of Siva at Benares, Baldynath, Tarakeswar, and elsewhere. At the Shivratri festival, and on almost all occasions before the on which this worship is practised, there is abundant evidence Commission which shows not only that ganja is offered to the god and consumed by these classes of the worshippers, but that these customs are so intimately connected with their worship that they may be considered to form in some sense an integral part of it.
Trinath.
436. The special form of worship by the followers of Siva, called the Trinath or Tinnath Mela, in which the use of ganja is considered to be essential, is mentioned by many witnesses, and deserves more than a passing notice. A full account of this religious practice given by Babu Abhilas Chandra Mukharji will be found in Vol. III Appendices of this Report. The origin of the rite, which it is said sprang up first in Eastern Bengal, appears to be of recent date, about the year 1867. It appears to be observed at all times and at all seasons by Hindus and Muhammadans alike, the latter calling it Tinlakh Pir. When an object of special desire is fulfilled, or when a person recovers from illness, or a son is born, or a marriage or other ceremony is performed, the god Trinath, representing in one the Hindu trinity, is worshipped. Originally one pice worth of ganja, one pice worth of oil, and one pice worth of betel-nut was offered to the god. But now ganja--it may be in large quantities--is proffered, and during the incantations and the performance of the ritual it is incumbent on all present to smoke. This form of worship is shown to have spread extensively throughout Eastern Bengal and the Surma Valley of Assam, and, according to one witness, it has penetrated. even to Orissa. On the other hand, there are a few witnesses who say that the practice is gradually dying out.
Muhamadans
437. The use of hemp drugs is as a rule in no way connected with orthodox Muhammadan observances, whether social or religious. The Muhammadan religion condemns such practices.
Assam..
438. In Assam, where the use of hemp drugs is but little practised by the Assamese proper, there appear to be no indigenous customs connected with the drugs. But the customs prevailing in Bengal are also found in Assam. There is evidence as to the use of bhang or siddhi at the Durga Puja, and of ganja by the worshippers of Siva. In Sylhet the Trinath form of worship appears to prevail to a considerable extent. With reference to this practice, one witness (Prasanno Kumar Das) observes that "in the Surma Valley ganja is offered in the name of Pit Muhammadan saint) for the benefit of the cattle."
North-Western Provinces.
439. In the North-Western Provinces, where the celebration of the Durga Puja is not so generally observed as in Bengal, a con-siderable number of witnesses (some fifty in all) state that there are no customs, religious or social, with which these drugs are connected. But, on the other hand, there is overwhelming evidence to establish the almost universal use by the people of bhang at the Holi festival, and some evidence as to the common use of ganja by certain classes of the followers of Siva at their festivals and seasons of worship. Of the witnesses who speak to the use of ganja in connection with religious observances, 22 state that it is essential and 92 that it is not essential. As to whether the use of bhang should be regarded as a purely social custom or as essential to religious observance,. the opinion of witnesses who speak on the point is about equally divided. It is sufficient to say that the custom is now a general one, and that where the Holi festival is observed, there the practice of consuming bhang during its observance is common. On other occasions, such as the Diwali festival, marriages, and family festivities, there is evidence to show that among certain classes the consumption of bhang is common. Allusion is also frequently made to the habit of using bhang, to which, for example, the Chaubes of Mathra and Brindaban are notoriously addicted, but how far the habit is connected with the religious observances at the temples the evidence does not justify the formation of an opinion. A custom is mentioned by, a Kumaon witness, Dharma Nand Joshi, who states that a class of people called Kouls,who worship spirits, meat, fish, etc., have the bhang plant as one of the objects of their worship.
Punnjab
440. In the Punjab there is evidence as to the general use of hemp by some of the followers of Siva, and especially of bhang, at the Holi, Dasehra, Diwali, and other festivals, and on the occasion o£ marriages and other family festivities. Among the Sikhs the use of bhang as a beverage appears to be common, and to be associated with their religious practices. The witnesses who refer to this use by the Sikhs appear to regard it as an essential part of their religious rites having the authority of the Granth or Sikh scripture. Witness Sodhi Iswar Singh, Extra Assistant Commissioner, says :"As far as I know, bhang is pounded by the Sikhs on the Dasehra day, and it is ordinarily binding upon every Sikh to drink it as a sacred draught by mixing water with it. Legend--Guru Gobind Singh, the tenth guru, the founder of the Sikh religion, was on the gaddi of Baba Nanak in the time of Emperor Aurangzeb. When the guru was at Anandpur, tahsil Una, Hoshiarpur district, engaged in battle with the Hill Rajas of the Simla, Kangra, and the Hoshiarpur districts, the Rains sent an elephant, who was trained in attacking and slaying the forces of the enemy with a sword in his trunk and in breaking open the gates of forts, to attack and capture the Lohgarh fort near Anandpur. The guru gave one of his followers, Bachittar Singh, some bhang and a little of opium to eat, and directed him to face the said elephant. This brave man obeyed the word of command of his leader and attacked the elephant, who was intoxicated and had achieved victories in several battles before, with the result that the animal was overpowered and the Hill Rajas defeated. The use of bhang, therefore, on the Dasehra day is necessary as a sacred draught. It is customary among the Sikhs generally to drink bhang, so that Guru Gobind Singh has himself said the following poems in praise of bhang: "Give me, O Saki (butler), a cup of green colour (bhang), as it is required by me at the time of battle (vide 'Suraj Parkash,' the Sikh religious book). "Bhang is also used on the Chandas day, which is a festival of the god Sheoji Mahadeva. The Sikhs consider it binding to use it on the Dasehra day-The quantity then taken is too small to prove injurious." As Sikhs are absolutely prohibited by their religion from smoking, the use of ganja and charas in this form is not practised by them. of old Sikh times, is annually permitted to collect without interference a boat load of bhang, which is afterwards. distributed throughout the year to the sadhus and beggars who are supported by the dharamsala.
Central Provinces.
441. The evidence as to social or religious customs in the Central Provinces is somewhat discrepant, but on the whole points to the existence of customs akin to those existing in the North-Western Provinces. The use of bhang at the Holi and Diwali festivals and at marriages and such occasions, and of ganja or bhang in connection with. the worship of Siva, is frequently mentioned by the witnesses. A few local customs are also mentioned by some witnesses. Regarding a custom of the Chamar caste, the Rev. Mr. Jacob says: "At Chanda; the Chamars use ganja dust in the preparation of a beverage called gulabpani, which is drunk at a ceremony called dadhi (the first shaving of the beard), when no liquor is permitted." Among the Gonds, Cowasjee Nusserwanjee Hattidaru describes the following custom as existing:." In the funeral ceremony amongst the Gonds of these provinces, kallior flat ganja is placed over the chest of the dead body of the Gond, and when the funeral party returns home, a little of the ganja is burnt in the house of the dead person, the smoke of which is supposed to reach the spirit of the dead." Another Satpura witness, Hosen Khan, mentions a custom of offering "a little ganja at the Chitarai Debis, or collections of stones with rags tied to some tree above. They offer either a cock or a cocoanut or some ganja. It is a custom among travellers. These Chitarai Debis are in the open, and the travellers have a smoke at the same time." One witness states that he has heard of the hemp plant being worshipped in the Berars, but this is not corroborated by any of the witnesses from these districts. Another has heard that the Gonds in their hill homes are worshippers of the plant
Madras.
442. In the Madras Presidency, where the use of hemp drugs is less common than in most other provinces, many witnesses assert that there are no customs, social or religious, with which they are connected, and the evidence as a whole fails to establish the prevalence of any customs so general as those connected with the Durga Puja and the worship of Siva in Bengal or the Holi festival in the North-Western Provinces. But there is evidence as to the existence of customs of a less general or widespread nature. In Ganjam, the witnesses speak to the common use bhang on the Mesha Sankranti day in honour of Siva and Anjanayya, and also in the worship of Durga. Several also allude to a custom of offering a confection or draught containing bhang to the image at the temples of Hanuman. At the festival of Kama, the Indian cupid, bhang is freely made and drunk according to several witnesses. The Rajputs or Bondilis are particularly referred to in connection with this custom. On occasions of holidays or gala-days, and at the Mohurram, a number of witnesses say it is usual for Muhammadans as well as Hindus to take bhang. It is also said that various intoxicants, including ganja, are sometimes offered to the gods in worship, and then swallowed by those offering them. Witness M. Sundaram Iyer, Deputy Tahsildar (60), says: "Some of the lower orders make use of ganja as an offering, like cocoa-nut, plantains, liquor, and such other articles, for certain deities, such as Mathura--veeran, Muniappan, etc., according to the vow taken by each person. This cannot be considered as essential, but is only a practice observed in very rare cases. Such practice is not followed by many people, and it is not injurious. "Others allude to the offering of ganja to Karuppannam, Kali, Mathuraveeran, Muniappan, Karuannaswami, and Aiyaswami, more particularly in the south of the Presidency. Mr. Azizuddin, Sahib Bahadur, Deputy Collector, says: "Neitherthe Musalman nor the Hindu religion requires the use of these drugs on religious occasions. On the other hand, it is prohibited. Nevertheless, in the maths of bairagis, such as at Tripati, and of Muhammadan saints, such as at Nagore Conjeveram, Arcot, and other places, the manager of the shrine distributes ganja to all the fakirs who assemble during the festival. In none of these places, religiously speaking, ganja should be distributed, but, according to custom among the fakirs, its distribution is essential." The Rev. Mr. Campbell says that ganja is used in connection with the funeral ceremonies observed by certain classes, but that the use is not essential. Mr. Merriman alludes to a custom of offering and consuming bhang at the funeral of bhang consumers.
Bombay
443. An interesting note, entitled "The Religion of Hemp," by Mr. J. M. Campbell, C.I.E., will be found in Vol. III Appendices. In the Bombay presidency the use of hemp in connection with the worship of Siva, Mahadev or Shankar appears to be very common. It is referred to by many witnesses. The following description of this custom as prevailing in part of Gujarat, Kaira, and probably Ahmedabad has been furnished to the Excise Commissioner by Mr. B. E. Modi, Deputy Collector: "On the Shivratri day (the last day but one of the month of Magh), sacred to the god Mahadev or Shankar, bhang water is freely poured over the lingam. Mahadev is an ascetic, and is fond of bhang, and on this day it is considered a religious duty to offer him his favourite drink. From this day to the 11th day of Ashad, on which day gods go to sleep, water is kept constantly dripping upon thelingam of Mahadev from an earthen pot kept above it. "Somewhat similar accounts varying in detail are given by many witnesses coming from different parts of the province, of whom some also refer to the habit which ganja smokers have of invoking the deity before placing the pipe. to their lips. Others also refer to hemp as required in the worship of Baldeo and to its use at the Shimga or Holi festival. The Marwaris and some other classes appear to use bhang at marriages and other festivities. Mr. Charles, Collector of Belgaum, says that among Musalmans and Marathas the ganja plant is offered to dead relatives who used it in their lifetime at the time of the anniversary ceremonies of their death. There appears to be no special custom of worshipping the hemp plant itself. R. K. Kothavale, of Satara district, says the hemp plant is worshipped, by one sect only, namely, by people from Northern India and Nepal, while Mr. Lamb, Collector of Alibag, remarks that some of the Kunbis who make Offerings to the local divinities of their fields at the harvest season include a. small quantity of ganja in the offerings.
Sind.
444. In Sind the customs, both religious and' social, appear to be much the same as in Bombay. In Karachi and some other places bhang is generally offered to all comers on occasions of marriages, panchayats, and other gatherings; and the custom of freely distributing bhang as a charity to all who dare to partake is common both at temples and at other places of resort.
Berar.
445. In Berar there is evidence as to the use both of ganja and bhang at the Shivratri and Holi festivals and at social gatherings. The hemp plant itself is not worshipped, but, according to one witness, when a consumer dies, the plant is kept near his corpse during the funeral ceremony.
Ajmere-Merwara.
446. At the Holi and the Shivratri and at family festivities the drugs, especially bhang, are used.
Baluchistan.
447. Major Gaisford, Deputy Commissioner, states that among the Hindu sect called Barn Bargis the consumption of bhang is regarded as essential.
Native States.
448. From Native States there is but little information regarding customs, either social or religious, with which these drugs are connected. No purely local or indigenous customs have been brought to the notice of the Commission, but there is sufficient information to show that practices similar to those existing in British provinces at the Holi and Shrivratri festivals and on occasions of family rejoicings are observed by certain classes of the people in many Native States.
Worship of the hemp plant
449. The custom of worshipping the hemp plant, although not so prevalent as that of offering hemp to Siva and other deities of the Hindus, would nevertheless appear from the statements of the witnesses to exist to some extent in some provinces of India. The reason why this fact is not generally known may perhaps be gathered from such statements as that of Pandit Dharma Nand Joshi, who says that such worship is performed in secret. There may be another cause of the denial on the part of the large majority of Hindu witnesses of any knowledge of the existence of a custom of worshipping the hemp plant in that the educated Hindu will not admit that he worships the material object of his adoration, but the deity as represented by it. The custom of worshipping the hemp plant, though not confined to the Himalayan districts or the northern portions of India alone, where the use of the products of the hemp plant is more general among the people, is less known as we go south. Still even far south, in some of the hilly districts of the Madras Presidency and among the rural population, the hemp plant is looked upon with some sort of veneration. Mr. J. H. Merriman (witness No. 28, Madras) says: "I know of no custom of worshipping the hemp plant, but believe it is held in a certain sort of veneration by some classes." Mr. J. Sturrock, the Collector of Coimbatore (witness No. 2, Madras), says: "In some few localities there is a tradition of sanctity attached to the plant, but no regular worship. "The Chairman of the Conjeveram Municipal Board, Mr. E. Subramana Iyer (witness No. 143, Madras) says: "There is no plant to be worshipped here, but it is generally used as sacrifices to some of the minor Hindu deities. "There is a passage quoted from Rudrayanmal Danakand and Karmakaud in the report on the use of hemp drugs in the Baroda State, which also shows that the worship of the bhang plant is enjoined in the Shastras. It is thus stated: "The god Shiva says to Parvati-- 'Oh, goddess Parvati, hear the benefits derived from bhang. The worship of bhang raises one to my position. In Bhabishya Puran it is stated that "on the 13th moon of Chaitra (March and April) one who wishes to see the number of his sons and grandsons increased must worship Kama (Cupid) in the hemp plant, etc.".

General conclusions

In summing up their conclusions on this chapter, the Commission would first remark that charas, which is a comparatively new article of consumption, has not been shown to be in any way connected with religious observance. As regards Northern India, the Commission are of opinion that the use of bhang is more or less common everywhere in connection with the social and religious customs of the people As regards ganja they find that there are certain classes in all parts, except the Punjab, who use the drug in connection with their social and religious observances. The Commission are also of opinion in regard to bhang that its use is considered essential in some religious observances by a large section of the community, and in regard to ganja that those who consider it essential are comparatively very few. The Commission have little doubt that interference with the use of hemp in connection with the customs and observances above referred to would be regarded by the consumers as an interference with long established usage and as an encroachment upon their religious liberty. And this feeling would, especially in the case of bhang, undoubtedly be shared to some extent by the people at large. Regarding Southern India, the same remarks apply with this reservation, that. the difference between ganja and bhang as materials for smoking and drinking respectively is much less marked there, and the distinction between the two forms of the drug is much less clearly recognised, although by the term "bhang" is generally meant the drug as used for drinking, and by "ganja" the drug as used for smoking.

Physical, Mental, and Moral Effects of Marijuana: The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission Report

Tod H. Mikuriya, M.D.

San Francisco, California

The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission Report (1894), comprising some seven volumes and 3,281 pages, is by far the most complete and systematic study of marijuana undertaken to date. Because of the rarity and, perhaps, the formidable size of this document, the wealth of information contained in it has not found its way into contemporary writings on this subject. This is indeed unfortunate, as many of the issues concerning marijuana being argued in the United States today were dealt with in the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission Report.
It is both surprising and gratifying to note the timeless and lucid quality of the writings of these British colonial bureaucrats. It would be fortunate if studies undertaken by contemporary commissions, task force committees, and study groups could measure up to the standards of thoroughness and general objectivity embodied in this report. In the current context of violently polarized attitudes toward marijuana, the prospect of a study of similar stature is bleak.
The scope of this paper is necessarily limited to the issues of physical, mental, and moral effects of hemp drugs as discussed in the report, although the topics of cultivation, processing, and administrative control schemes make up significant portions of the work itself.

History of British Involvement
The British government in India had substantial knowledge of intoxicants other than alcohol because of active involvement in regulation, taxation, and actual trafficking in these substances for over a hundred years prior to the Hemp Drugs Commission investigation and report.
In 1790 duties on alcohol and other intoxicant drugs were first levied by the British on landlords in India. The regulation of cannabis preparations was further specified in 1793 in Regulation XXXIV of that year. "No person shall manufacture or vend any such drugs (bhang,2 ganja,3 charas,4 and other intoxicating drugs) without a license from the collector of the zillah5" (3:16).
This system of regulations was instituted "with a view to check immoderate consumption, and at the same time to augment the public revenue" (3:16).
In 1800 in a further modification of regulation, the manufacture and sale of charas was prohibited as "being of a most noxious quality" (3:16), while daily rates of duty were declared as the basis for taxing procedures. Curiously, in 1824 the restriction on charas was rescinded "as this drug was found on examination to be not more prejudicial to health than ganja or other intoxicating drugs" (3:16).
In 1849 limits on retail sale of cannabis drugs were fixed "for better securing the abkari6 revenue of Calcutta," and later extended to the whole of Bengal (3:16). Four years later the daily tax method was abandoned and a fee charged on a per weight basis, and in 1860 an additional set of dealers fees' imposed (3:16).
It should be noted, however, that the system of the state of Bengal was only one of several schemes among the many provinces. Variations on this approach existed in the other states, a function of the differing local administrations, reflecting the degree of administrative and fiscal controls exerted by the Imperial government.
There had apparently been controversies as to the possible noxious effects of cannabis drugs at least from the time of the inception of British controls on these products, unless we assume that the initial stated reasons for regulation were merely cynical rationalizations for obtaining additional sources of revenue. Within a country of several hundred millions of inhabitants, divided into hundreds of regions, and with only rudimentary "homogenizing" forces of effective transportation and mass media, it is perhaps reasonable to infer that wide variations in opinions and beliefs would be encountered.
1 Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893-94. Simla, India: Government Central Printing House, 1894, 7 vols. All references in this paper are to volumes of the Report.
Received for publication December 1967
2 Leaves and flowers of wild growing or inferior cultivated cannabis plants.
3 Flowering tops of the cannabis plant.
4 Resin from the mature cannabis plant.
5 A county-sized district or administrative division.
6 Manufacture or sale of intoxicating liquors or drugs: hence, an excise or internal revenue tax on such manufacture or sale (Ankara: A wine seller; distiller. Also, one whose trade is subject to abkari tax).

FORMATION OF THE COMMISSION
On 2 March 1893 (1:1,n) a question was raised in the British House of Commons concerning the effects of the production and consumption of hemp drugs in the province of Bengal, India. In response, the Government of India convened a seven-member commission to look into these questions on 3 July 1893 (1:1). Upon the suggestion of Lord Kimberley the scope of the investigation was expanded to include all of India.

PROCEDURES
The Commission actually met for the first time in Calcutta on 3 August 1893 (1:4). Between this date and 6 August of the following year, when the study was finished (1:361), the Commission received evidence from 1,193 witnesses (1:12). Field trips were made to thirty cities in eight provinces and Burma from the end of October 1893 through the latter part of April 1894 (1:9-10). Eighty-six meetings for examination of witnesses transpired during the inquiry. Actual participation of the members of the Commission was duly noted and reported - a custom that it might be worthwhile to revive.
The statement on the previous page shows the attendance of the members of the Commission during the period occupied in inquiry (3rd August 1893 to 25th April 1894).
Witnesses whose evidence was received by the Commission were divided into three categories:
(1) Official witnesses able to give information regarding hemp drugs, based on their official and local experience.
(2) Non-official witnesses of all ranks able to give information regarding the drugs generally or in connection with certain classes of the people.
(3) Other persons or associations having facts or holding opinions which they desired to communicate to the Commission (1:11).
Categories and numbers of the witnesses were (1:12):
Civil Officers 467
Medical Officers 214
Private Practitioners (European methods) 34
Private Practitioners (Native methods) 87
Cultivators 144
Professional Men 55
Missionaries 34
Associations 24
Persons engaged in Trade 75
Others 59
Total 1,193
To facilitate collection of information, seventy questions framed by the Commission were given to the witnesses. The written answers to these questions constituted the bulk of the evidence before the Commission (1:13). Where appropriate, witnesses were examined orally for further clarification or explanation. In addition, witnesses who had not submitted written statements were examined orally. It was duly noted in the record which forms of testimony had been provided by the individual witnesses. The following were the questions dealing with effects of hemp drugs with regard to adverse physical consequences, insanity, and the causation of crime (4:iii):
45. (a) Does the habitual moderate use of any of these drugs produce any noxious effects - physical, mental, or moral?
(b) Does it impair the constitution in any way?
(c) Does it injure the digestion or cause loss of appetite?
(d) Does it cause dysentery, bronchitis, or asthma?
(e) Does it impair the moral sense or induce laziness or habits of immortality or debauchery?
(f) Does it deaden the intellect or produce insanity?
If it produces insanity, then of what type, and is it temporary or permanent?
If temporary, may the symptoms be re-induced by use of the drug after liberation from restraint?
Are there any typical symptoms?
Do insanes, who have no recorded ganja history, confess to the use of the drug?
(g) In such cases of the alleged connection between insanity and the use of hemp as are known to you, are you of opinion that the use of the drug by persons suffering from mental anxiety or brain disease to obtain relief his been sufficiently considered in explaining that connection?
And do you think there is any evidence to indicate that insanity may often tend to indulgence in the use of hemp drugs by a person who is deficient in self-control through weakened intellect?
Give an account under each of these points of any cased with which you are acquainted.
46. Discuss the same questions in regard to the habitual excessive use of any of these drugs.
51. (a) Are any large proportion of bad characters habitual moderate consumers of any of these drugs?
(b) What connection, if any, has the moderate use with crime in general or with crime of any special character?
52. Discuss the same question in regard to the excessive use of any of these drugs.
53. Does excessive indulgence in any of these drugs incite to unpremeditated crime, violent or otherwise? Do you know of any case in which it has led to temporary homicidal frenzy?

Are these drugs used by criminals to fortify themselves to commit a premeditated act of violence or other crime?

Physical Effects of Chronic Cannabis Use
The Commission sought to evaluate alleged connections of hemp drug use with disorders other than mental. Popular opinion held that the use of hemp drugs led to the physical disorders of dysentery, bronchitis, and asthma:
In regard to these definite physical results, the only evidence to which much weight can be attached is the evidence of the medical witnesses. From their training and opportunities of observation they are the only witnesses qualified to give reliable evidence. It is proposed to examine this medical evidence in detail (1:205).
The Commission reviewed and discussed medical evidence given by 335 physicians7 throughout India from Bengal, Assam, North-Western Provinces, Punjab, Central Provinces, Madras, Bombay, Sind, Burma, and Berar. The testimony from the array of medical witnesses from Bengal illustrates the confusion and the lack of knowledge among the members of our profession:
In Bengal eight commissioned medical officers were examined on the effect of the moderate use of the drugs. Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel Russell (witness No. 105), 20 years in civil employ in Bengal and Assam, a witness whose evidence has frequently been quoted by the Commission, stated that the use of the drug does not cause bronchitis, dysentery, or asthma, and that scarcely any other noxious effects are induced. Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel Russiel Lall Dutt (witness No. 107) an officer of over 20 years' experience, stated "Very moderate smoking of Ganja or charas or moderate drinking of siddhi in infusion do not produce any appreciable effects. . . but these moderate cases are seldom long-lived. There is in them a slow and insidious undermining process going on in their digestive, respiratory, and nervous system, which predispose them to acute diseases and cut their lives short." Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel Price (witness No. 108), of 21 years' service, who had frequently come across consumers of hemp drugs, was unable to answer the question regarding effects. Surgeon-Captain Prain (witness No. 113) stated: "I do not believe that the habitual moderate use of any of these drugs produces any noxious effects - physical, mental, or moral. I think that perhaps the use of bhang does injure the digestion and impair appetite even when used moderately, but I am convinced that it neither causes dysentery, bronchitis, or asthma." Surgeon-Major Cobb (witness No. 110) stated that the drugs did not cause asthma, bronchitis, or dysentery; and in cross-examination he stated: "I have no experience that the excessive use of the drug produces dysentery and bowel complaints." Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel Flood Murray (witness No. 102),
five years in military service and nineteen years in civil employ, quoted the opinion of a pandit8 whom he consulted regarding the ill effects of the drugs. In cross-examination he stated: "The general statement as contained in my written answer is a statement made to me by this hakim9 and others to whom I applied for information. My own experience in no way corroborates it." Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel Bovill (witness No. 109), of 21 years' service, stated that the habitual moderate use of bhang does not produce any ill effects, and in many cases that of ganja is equally harmless. He added; "I know of no case where it has caused bronchitis, dysentery, or asthma, but I have noted hoarseness of the voice probably due to some laryngeal irritation among ganja smokers." Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel Crombie (witness No. 104), of over 20 years' service, is not aware of any ill effects being produced by the moderate use of the drugs; but he added: "If any were produced, the use would no longer be moderate, but excessive." In cross-examination Dr. Crombie stated: "I have had no experience of any diseases attributable to ganja. My experience has been chiefly in Eastern Bengal, where ganja is largely consumed."
Twenty-three assistant surgeons were examined. Assistant Surgeon Devendranath Roy (witness No. 123), of over 20 years' service, and who has had service in Rajputana, the North-Western Provinces, Behar, and Bengal, where hemp drugs are used by a large portion of the people, is of opinion that those who smoke ganja not more than twice or thrice a day do not suffer in general health; bhang does not impair the digestion, whereas ganja does. "Those of my patients," he remarks "who admitted having been habitual ganja smokers suffered from dysentery or diarrhoea, but they have been exposed to conditions which produce these ailments. Hence I do not draw any conclusion as to ganja being a primary cause of those diseases." Assistant Surgeon Preonath Bose (witness No. 122), Teacher of Materia Medica and Pharmacy in the Dacca Medical School, clearly has no personal knowledge of the effects, as he remarked: "Evidence on these points is conflicting. Some of the consumers maintain, others deny, that evil effects are produced." Another teacher at the same school (witness No. 121 ) stated: "Evidence on these points is conflicting. The general consensus of opinion is that the habitual moderate use of bhang and ganja does not impair the constitution." Assistant Surgeon Soorjee Narain Singh, of 28 years' service, now Teacher of Materia Medica, Patna Medical School (witness No. 125), stated that "habitual moderate consumers of bhang, ganja or charas do not apparently suffer from any injurious effects." Assistant Surgeon Narendra Nath Gupta (witness No. 120), as Deputy Superintendent of Vaccination and as Deputy Sanitary Commissioner and as Civil Medical Officer has had considerable opportunities for noting the effects of the drugs. His opinion is that the moderate use of ganja and bhang does not produce any noxious effects. Durga Dass Lahiri, L.M.S. (witness No. 132), a private medical practitioner, said: "I have not seen any evil results mentioned when taken moderately, but it is very difficult to keep to moderation." Assistant Surgeon Taraprosanna Roy (witness No. 116) is Chemical Examiner to the Government of Bengal. He stated that the habitual moderate use of the three drugs is not known to produce any noxious effects. Assistant Surgeon Bosonto Kumar Sen (witness No. 119) has had service in ganja producing districts. He stated that the use of ganja and bhang products noxious effects, and "generally produce dysentery, asthma, and bronchitis." The cross-examination of this witness is of interest. "I have seen more than one person, about half a dozen, in my village. . . suffering from dysentery, bronchitis, and asthma who were also ganja smokers. They were all excessive smokers. These effects do not follow the moderate, but the excessive, use. It is a mistake to have put them under the moderate use. . . . The fact that they were ganja smokers led me to believe that these effects were due to ganja . . . I have no recollection of ever treating any case of dysentery, bronchitis, or asthma caused by ganja. These cases are the basis of my remarks. I do not remember any case of dysentery, bronchitis, or asthma in a ganja smoker which I attributed to any other cause. In other words, when I saw ganja smokers suffering from these diseases, I attributed them to ganja. This was twenty years ago, before I was a medical student." Pyari Sankar Dass Gupta, L.M.S. (witness No. 134), is a private medical practitioner, Secretary to the Bogra Medical Society of ten members, and a member of a temperance association founded by the late Keshub Chunder Sen. The witness is pledged against the use of all intoxicants. The witness submitted three papers to the Commission which seem to illustrate the development of tradition into opinion. In one paper the witness states: "The smokers of ganja often suffer from hoarseness of voice produced by the continual inhalation of its fumes, giving rise to sore-throat, bronchitis, and carbonaceous phthisis. It has long been a tradition in our country that the ganja-khors always die of dysentery, their intestines gradually sloughing away." In his second paper the witness states "Ganja smokers generally die of bloody dysentery, asthma and phthisis, and haemoptysis." And in his last paper he says: "It produces bloody dysentery and chest diseases, blood spitting, bronchitis, asthma, and phthisis." Kailas Chundra Bose, L.M.S. (witness No. 135), is a private medical practitioner in Calcutta with an extensive practice. He states that no ill effects are produced by the moderate use, and that, instead of causing bronchitis, dysentery, or asthma, it relieves these afflictions. The witness, however, states in his oral examination: "My experience is not to any large extent what I have gathered in my practice, but rather what I have learnt from smokers." Assistant Surgeon Akbar Khan (witness No. 124) is another Teacher in the Patna Medical School. He states the habitual moderate use of any of the drugs does not produce noxious effects, but that charas and ganja cause dysentery, bronchitis, and asthma if the consumers are not well fed. Witnesses Nos. 126 and 138 consider that no ill effects are produced. Assistant Surgeon Upendra Nath Sen (witness No. 118) states that bronchitis, and asthma are common complaints of ganja smokers. Madhab Krishna Dass, L.M.S. (witness No. 158) a private practitioner in Calcutta, considers that smoking may cause dysentery, bronchitis, or asthma. Assistant Surgeon Durga
Nath Chakravarti (witness No. 150) considers that "ganja causes dysentery after a long run." Annoda Prasanna Ghatak, M.B. (witness No. 149), a private medical practitioner, considers that digestive complaints are caused when good food is not procurable. Rakhal Das Ghosh, L.M.S., (witness No. 149) a private practitioner in Calcutta, had apparently seen no ill effects caused by the drug. The remaining witnesses in this class clearly failed to discriminate between the moderate and excessive use and their evidence has not been considered.
Three hospital assistants were examined. One gave no reply regarding moderate use. The other stated: "The habitual moderate use of ganja or charas does not produce any noxious effects - physical, mental, or moral, but the use of ganja impairs the constitution in some way or other . . . and has a tendency toward bronchitis and asthma." Witness No. 145 is a vernacular class hospital assistant, but not now in Government employ. According to this witness, moderate use of ganja leads to excessive use. "The habitual moderate consumers, as well as the excessive consumers, suffer in their lungs and become insane . . . No intoxicant can be taken in moderation except when administered medicinally."
Fifteen native practitioners were examined. Bijoya Ratna Son (witness No. 151), a kabiraj10 practising in Calcutta, considers that the habitual moderate use of ganja or charas, but not siddhi, may in some cases cause bronchitis, dysentery or asthma. Witness No. 152, also of Calcutta, gives the same reply couched in the same language. Witness No. 126, of Nattore, in the Rajsha-hi district, and witness No. 153, of Calcutta, both consider the moderate use harmless. Piyari Mohan (witness No. 154), a kabiraj states: "I know it causesdysentery and I believe owing to its healing power it can cause bronchitis and asthma." Kedareswar Acharjya (Witness No. 137) remarks: "Those ganja smokers who cannot command abundant wholesome food suffer from dysentery, but it is difficult to determine how far it is due to ganja or to improper food. As to asthma, I have not seen any typical case originating from ganja smoking. I know that a chronic catarrhal condition of the air passages with a certain amount of spasm is the misfortune of many old ganja smokers. I know a friend who suffered from chronic bronchitis, and in whom asthmatic fits were induced by attempts to smoke ganja." The witness refers also to another case in which a habitual ganja smoker had an asthmatic attack which subsided on breaking off the habit and reappeared on resuming it." This witness lays stress in personal idiosyncrasy as modifying the effects of the drugs, and on the importance of a diet rich in fat. Witness No. 155, another kabiraj, states that, while no ill effects are produced, occasionally it entices dysentery, bronchitis, and asthma. Witness No. 128, also a kabiraj, states that, according to the Aurveda Shastra, smoking these drugs causes bronchitis and asthma, and in his opinion "even the moderate use of any of these drugs, not according to the rules of Shastra, is injurious in its effects." This witness does not appear to have any personal knowledge of ill effects, but to base his views on the teachings of the Shastras. Witness No. 139 states: "Certainly they produce effects on the moral and physical constitution," but as the witness is silent as to the effects of excessive use, probably he has not discriminated between the two uses of the drugs. Witness No. 157, a valid11, considers that even the habitual moderate use of these drugs produces noxious effects. This is the pandit who was consulted by Dr. Flood Murray (witness No. 102), and who produced two cases of hemp drug asthma and weakened heart for Dr. Murray's inspection. These seem to have been the only cases in any way connected with hemp drug that he had. Witness No. 146 is a zamindar12 and medical practitioner, and does not reply as to effects. Witness No. 147 studied two and half years at the Calcutta Medical College, but took no degree. He states that no noxious effects are produced without giving details (1:205-8).
After reviewing similar conflicting testimony from the other states, the Commission concluded:
The medical evidence which has thus been analyzed very clearly indicates in the opinion of the Commission that when the basis of the opinions as to the alleged evil effects of the moderate use of the drugs is subjected to careful examination, the grounds on which the allegations are founded, prove to be in the highest degree defective. A large number of medical witnesses of all classes, ascribe dysentery, bronchitis, and asthma to the moderate use of the drugs. An equally representative number give a diametrically opposite opinion. The most, striking feature of the medical evidence is perhaps the large number of practitioners of long experience who have seen no evidence of any connection between hemp drugs and disease, and when witnesses who speak to these ill effects from the moderate use are cross-examined it is found that (a) their opinions are based on popular ideas on the subject; (b) they have not discriminated between the effects of moderate and excessive use of the drugs; (c) they have accepted the disease as being induced by hemp drugs because the patients confessed to the habit; and (d) the fact has been overlooked that the smoking of hemp drugs is recognized as a remedial agent in asthma and bronchitis. A few witnesses incidentally refer to personal idiosyncrasy as perhaps being a factor in rendering some consumers of the drugs less tolerant and more liable to be affected by them even when used in moderate quantity. This view the Commission are prepared to accept; but for the vast majority of consumers, the Commission consider that the evidence shows the moderate use of ganja or charas not to be appreciably harmful, while in the case of moderate bhang drinking the evidence shows the habit to be quite harmless. As in long continued and excessive cigarette smoking considerable bronchial irritation and chronic catarrhal laryngitis may he induced, so, too, may a similar condition be caused by excessive ganja or charas smoking; and to the oetiology of bronchial catarrh and asthma in ganja smokers the Commission have already referred. The direct connection alleged between dysentery and the use of hemp drugs the Commission consider to be wholly without any foundation. In the case of bhang there is nothing in the physiological action of the drug which could in any way set up an acute inflammation of the large intestine resulting in ulceration. On the contrary, it is well known that hemp resin is a valuable remedial agent in dysentery. As regards ganja or charas smoking inducing dysentery, even assuming that the products of the destructive distillation of the drugs directly reached the intestines, there is evidence that those products, when condensed and injected into a cat's stomach, failed to induce any inflammatory process. The connection, therefore, between hemp drug smoking and dysentery appears even remoter than in the case of bhang drinking and that disease and cannot be accepted by any stretch of the imagination as even a possible direct cause of dysentery ( 1: 223).
7 214 Medical Officers, 34 Practitioners of European medicine and 87 Practitioners of native methods.
8 Learned man, teacher; esp., a Brahman versed in Sanskrit, and in the science, laws, and religion of the Hindus; in Kashmir, any clerk or native official.
9 In Moslem countries, a ruler or a judge.
10 A member of a Unitarian reform sect of India based upon the teachings of Kabir (Hindu mystic and poet, c. 1450-1518).
11 A native practitioner.
12 A land owner; also: Formerly, under the Mohammedan administration, a collector of the land revenue of a specified district for the government. Now, usually a kind of feudatory recognized as an actual proprietor so long as he pays the government a fixed revenue averaging in different provinces less than one-half the net revenue (India).

Cannabis and Insanity
Because many people believed that the use of hemp drugs led to insanity, especially in the case of prolonged use of large amounts of charas and perhaps ganja, the Commission addressed a significant amount of effort to the study of this topic ( 1: 225 and all of Vol. 2). In addition to the testimony received from physicians, the Commission set about to evaluate all cases admitted to the Indian mental hospitals for the year 1892 that were listed as being caused by hemp drugs ( 1:227).
Initial inquiry into the Dullunda Asylum at Calcutta led the Commission to distrust the asylum statistics. Because of incomplete figures, frequent absence of supporting data and outright errors, the Commission decided to take up each of the cases of 1892 separately and to inquire as fully as possible into its history (1:227).
In the course of its inquiry into the 24 asylums in India and Burma, the Commission sharply criticized the testimony of the reporting superintendents:
They have known nothing of the effects of the drugs at all, though the consumption is so extensive, except that cases of insanity have been brought to them attributed with apparent authority to hemp drugs. They have generalized from this limited and one-sided experience. They have concluded that hemp drugs produce insanity in every case, or in the great majority of cases, of consumption. They have had no idea that in the vast majority of cases this result does not follow the use. They have accordingly without sufficient inquiry assisted, by the statistics they have supplied and by the opinions they have expressed, in stereotyping the popular opinion and giving it authority and permanence (1:226).
With such hindrances to the inquiry into the connection between hemp drugs and insanity, the Commission, after careful inquiry into the 222 cases allegedly attributed to hemp drugs, from among the total of 2,344 patients admitted during the year 1892 to asylums, concluded, with reservation, that some 61 cases might have been caused by hemp drugs alone:
Even in regard to the remaining 61 cases, it must be borne in mind that it is impossible to say that the use of hemp drugs was in all the sole cause of insanity, or indeed any part of the cause. The following considerations combine to demand caution and reserve in pronouncing an opinion on this point.
Firstly, there are twelve cases in which it has been found impossible to obtain any further information by local inquiry. In these cases we are thrown back on the original papers and the asylum history. Besides these, there are ten more cases in which the patients are beggars and foreign laborers about whose past history no satisfactory information is obtainable. Thus there remain only 39 of these 61 cases about which anything like a satisfactory inquiry has been possible. Further, a great majority of these cases come from the lower orders of cultivators and laborers, from whom information of any value is very difficult to obtain as to other than the most apparent causes. The fact of the existence of the hemp habit is easy enough to ascertain, but that it is the cause, or one of the causes of the insanity, or that it even preceded the insanity, is much more difficult to establish.
Secondly, the method of inquiry has not been satisfactory in regard to all the cases referred for local inquiry. In regard to the great majority, the instructions issued by the Commission as to the agency by which this further inquiry should be conducted have been carried out. But in some, it will be observed, even this further inquiry has been left to the police. Then again there are cases, such as those of the Hyderabad (Sind) Asylum, in which the Superintendent has necessarily been the principal agent in the inquiry, and has, perhaps, not unnaturally, but certainly unfortunately, evinced a strong tendency to defend the old asylum entries regarding cause. The series of questions framed by the Civil Surgeon of Delhi for use in the further inquiry also illustrates a tendency to assume that the cases were hemp drug cases, and thus to limit the scope of the inquiry.
Thirdly, it may be noted that excess in the use of hemp drugs is very frequently only one of several vices in which a dissipated man indulges. Further inquiry has proved this in several cases. There is strong probability that had information been complete, it would have been established in many more cases. It is impossible in such cases to say definitely to what form of excess insanity may be mainly due. Further, it is an accepted and established fact that intemperance of any kind may sometimes be not the cause of insanity, but an early manifestation of mental instability. Dr. Conolly Norman (Hack Tuke's Dictionary of Psychological Medicine; article "Mania") says: "The patient also indulges in intoxicants with very undue or unwonted freedom, and thereby precipitates the course and aggravates the symptoms of his disease." One or two cases have been rejected by the Commission on the ground that the evidence merely showed that the habit of use of hemp began at the same time as the mental aberration, or even later. There may have been other cases in which this would have been shown had the information been complete. It is possible therefore that more complete information might have shown in some cases, not only that other causes contributed to the insanity, but also that hemp drugs had nothing whatever to do with inducing it.
These and similar considerations already indicated demand caution in the expression of any judgment as to the causation of insanity in this country. If in England opinion, based on inquiries such as are there possible, has to be stated with caution, this is much more necessary here. In many or the cases in which the hemp drug habit has been established, it is impossible to feel certain in view of the defective character of the information that the drugs have been the sole cause, or perhaps indeed a cause at all, of the insanity (1:241-2).
Summing up, the Commission indicates the difficulties that prevent conclusive answers to the question of causality between the use of hemp drugs and insanity:
In answering the question therefore, on what the evidence rests that hemp drugs may induce mental aberration, the Commission would offer the following remarks: The evidence may he considered under two heads - (a) popular; (b) scientific. The popular idea that the use of hemp drugs may induce insanity can be traced back for many centuries, and the present day views on the subject are no doubt the outcome of old popular ideas which have been handed down and become concrete. With non-medical wit the mere use of the drug along with the fact of insanity, as the evidence shows, has as a rule been accepted as cause and effect. Of the large number of medical witnesses who have given evidence before the Commission, probably not a single one has ever observed the inception of the habit and the use giving rise to mental aberration, and been in a position to gauge the value of other contributory causes if present. With practically no modern literature on the subject, with no special knowledge apart from the popular idea, with a very slight or no clinical experience of insanity in England, with the experience derived from perhaps having had half a dozen insanes in the course of two years under observation as Civil Surgeons, officers have been placed in charge of asylums, and have had to differentiate between cases of hemp drug insanity and ordinary mania. The careful inquiry which has been made by the Commission into all the alleged hemp drug cases admitted in one year into asylums in British India demonstrates conclusively that the usual mode of differentiating between hemp drug insanity and ordinary mania was in the highest degree uncertain, and therefore fallacious. Even after the inquiry which has been conducted, it cannot be denied that in some of the cases at least the connection between hemp drugs and insanity has not been conclusively established (1:250).
Thus, final answers to this pressing but complex question of the causal relation between hemp drugs use and insanity, as such, remain obscured.
With their usual thoroughness, the Commission sought to explore the possible structural changes to the brain caused by chronic hemp drugs use. Because data from neuropathologic studies based on postmortem examinations was wholly lacking, Brigade-Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel D.D. Cunningham, F.R.S.. C.I.E., undertook three experiments at the Biological Laboratory attached to the Zoological Garden in Calcutta to evaluate the effects following the continued administration of hemp drugs to monkeys (3:192-6).
The first study dealt with the chronic smoking of ganja in a 16 lb. male rhesus monkey. By means of a smoking chamber, the animal was administered 181 inhalations of ganja smoke over a period of about 8 1/3 months. The daily dose was supplied by a habitué, the amount administered being proportional by weight to that consumed daily by the chronic user. An autopsy performed after sacrificing the animal, including gross examination of the brain, revealed an absence of any pathology.
The second experiment examined the effects of chronic oral ingestion of charas, with the daily dose again obtained from a chronic user on a comparative weight basis. The animals used this time were two smaller cynomolgus monkeys, weighing 5 lb. 7 oz. and 4 lb. 1oz. The study lasted 67 days, the animals receiving the drug mixed in milk on 62 days. Because either minimal or no effects were noted, the dose was increased from the usual 1/2 grain to 2 and then 3 grains about a week before termination of the study. Although no behavioral effects were noted with this higher dose schedule, the animals refused to eat the charas-treated milk after three days, bringing the study to a premature end. These animals were not sacrificed.
The third investigation evaluated the effects on a rhesus monkey of the smoking of dhatura daily, for six weeks. The same inhalation chamber was used as in the first experiment. Unfortunately the size of the dose is not specified. Post-mortem examination of the central nervous system revealed the following effects:
On opening the cranium the dura-mater was found to be somewhat thickened and, especially in the neighbourhood of the superior longitudinal sinus, very conspicuously congested. In this region, too, the membrane in the occipital region was fixed to the cranial walls by soft, very vascular adhesions. The piamater was thickened and so highly injected throughout that the cerebral surface had a generally diffused pink tint. The cerebral substance was everywhere abnormally soft and so friable as to render any immediate removal of the membranes impossible without the occurrence of much destruction of the nervous tissue. Like the surface, although in minor degree, it was of a pinkish tinge owing to abnormal accumulation of blood. Conditions or this kind appeared to be universally diffused throughout the whole of the cerebral centres, the texture of the hemispheres, of the cerebellum and of the basal ganglia being alike soft, and the evidence of abnormal congestion universally distributed. In spite of this, however, the spinal cord and its membranes were to all appearance perfectly healthy.
In so far as a single experiment goes the results in this case would, then, seem in show that the habitual inhalation of the smoke of dhatura, even when only practised for a relatively brief period, is sufficient to establish serious morbid changes in the cerebral nervous centres, and that it therein differs from the habitual inhalation of the smoke of ganja extending over a much more prolonged period. This clearly indicates the necessity of distinguishing between cases in which ganja alone is employed from those in which a mixture of ganja and dhatura is substituted for it, as otherwise certain prejudicial effects which are really due to the use of the latter drug may be erroneously credited to the former one" (3:195-6).
Comparisons made concerning organic brain pathology caused by alcohol (whose effects were well known from other studies) and dhatura left the Commission with the impression that these other Intoxicants were far more hazardous than hemp drugs:
So far as the information from all sources before the Commission is concerned there is no evidence of any brain lesions being directly caused by hemp drugs, as they have been found to be caused by alcohol and dhatura; and there is evidence that the coarse brain lesions produced by alcohol and dhatura are not produced by hemp drugs (1,251).
The complex phenomenon of intoxication, as such, was noted by the Commission:
The individual factor with its idiosyncrasies plays here, as everywhere, a very important part. There are other factors, too, which have to be considered, the degree of education, reason, locality, dosage, and mode of preparation of the drug, all of which may modify the symptoms. Thus the hallucinations of the Western people under the influence of hashish are not identical with the voluptuous dreams of the Orientals ( 1:253).
Of more functional import is the discussion of medico-legal questions involved in the confusion between intoxication and insanity:
A more serious result of this confusion is that there are cases in which men who have committed offenses, especially crimes of violence, under the influence of hemp drugs have been acquitted on the ground of insanity, although the circumstances have been such that had the intoxicant been alcohol, they would have been convicted. It is undoubtedly more difficult in the case of ganja than in the case of alcohol to recognize the line drawn for social and legal purposes between intoxication and insanity. But the difficulty is not insuperable. The main reason for the confusion that has existed is probably the ignorance that has prevailed regarding hemp drugs. When they are recognized as a common intoxicant, it is to be hoped that the practice of the Courts will be freed from the occasional blemishes above indicated. It is not expedient nor is it just that intoxication from hemp drugs should secure immunity from punishment which is not allowed to alcohol (1:254).

Cannabis and Crime
The use of hemp drugs had been implicated as a cause of crime:
In discussing the connection of hemp drugs with crime, it is necessary to discriminate between any effect which they may be supposed to produce of crime in general and the unpremeditated crimes of violence to which intoxication may give rise. Thus there are those who allege that the habitual use of alcohol, at all events if carried to excess, degrades the mind and character of the consumer and predisposes him to crime in general, or to crimes of particular character, especially to offenses against property. Drink is thus so down sometimes as one of the most efficient agencies for increasing the criminal classes. On the other hand, there are well known cases in which intoxication from alcohol has led to crimes of an occasional and exceptional character generally to unpremeditated crimes of violence or other unpremeditated offenses against the person. These two classes of cases should be carefully distinguished and treated separately (1:253-6).
In addition to hearing testimony of numerous enforcement and county officials, the Commission examined the 81 case records of crimes of violence alleged to have been caused by cannabis drugs in the whole of India over the prior 20 years. The Commission immediately excluded 5 of these cases, ascertaining either that data included in abstracts of the court records did not support the assertion that hemp drugs were causative factor, or that the records were unavailable.
In each of the remaining 23 cases, the Commission reviewed the court transcripts and examined, where possible, individuals who were connected, with the case (1:259-60; 3:262-6). The Commission concluded:
Of these twenty-three cases, then, the records in not less than eighteen show that the crimes cannot be connected with hemp drugs. There is one case of which doubt is thrown by subsequent discoveries. The connection between drugs and crime is only established in the remaining four. It is astonishing to find how detective and misleading are the recollections which man witnesses retain even of cases with which they have had special opportunities of being well acquainted. It is instructive to see how preconceived notion based on rumour and tradition tend to preserve the impression of certain particulars, while the impressions of far more important features of the case are completely forgotten.
In some cases these preconceived notions seem to prevail to distort the incident altogether and to create a picture in the mind of the witness quite different from the recorded facts.Some of the witnesses whose me have thus failed them are men who might have been expected to be careful and accurate. Their failure must tend to increase the distrust with which similar evidence, which there has been no opportunity of testing must be received (1:263).
On the topic of crime, the Commission concluded:
In respect to his relations to society, however, even the excessive consumer of hemp drugs is ordinarily inoffensive. His excesses may indeed bring him to degraded poverty which may lead him to dishonest practices; and occasionally, but apparently very rarely indeed, excessive indulgence in hemp drugs may lead to violent crime. But for all practical purposes it may be laid down that there is little or no connection between the use of hemp drugs and crime (1:264).

Conclusions
The Commission have now examined all the evidence before them regarding the effects attributed to hemp drugs. It will be well to summarize briefly the conclusions to which they come. It has been clearly established that the occasional use or hemp in moderate doses may be beneficial; but this use may be regarded as medicinal in character. It is rather to the popular and common use of the drugs that the Commission will now confine their attention. It is convenient to consider the effects separately as affecting the physical, mental, or moral nature.

Physical Effects
In regard to the physical effects, the Commission have come to the conclusion that the moderate use of hemp drugs is practically attended by no evil results at all. There may be exceptional cases in which, owing to idiosyncrasies of constitution, the drugs in even moderate use may be injurious. There is probably nothing the use of which may not possibly be injurious in cases of exceptional intolerance. There are also many cases where in tracts with a specially malarious climate, or in circumstances of hard work and exposure, the people attribute beneficial effects to the habitual moderate use of these drugs; and there is evidence to show that the popular impression may have some basis in fact. Speaking generally, the Commission are of opinion that the moderate use of hemp drugs appears to cause no appreciable physical injury of any kind. The excessive use does cause injury. As in the case of other intoxicants, excessive use tends to weaken the constitution and to render the consumer more susceptible to disease. In respect to the particular diseases which according to a considerable number of witnesses should be associated directly with hemp drugs, it appears to be reasonably established that the excessive use of these drugs does not cause asthma; that it may indirectly cause dysentery by weakening the constitution as above indicated; and that it may cause bronchitis mainly through the action of the inhaled smoke on the bronchial tubes (1:263-4).

Mental Effects
In respect to the alleged mental effects of the drugs, the Commission have come to the conclusion that the moderate use of hemp drugs produces no injurious effects on the mind. It may indeed be accepted that in the case of specially marked neurotic diathesis, even the moderate use may produce mental injury. For the slightest mental stimulation or excitement may have that effect in such cases. But putting aside these quite exceptional cases, the moderate use of these drugs produces no mental injury. It is otherwise with the excessive use. Excessive use indicates and intensifies mental instability (1:264).

Moral Effects
In regard to the moral effects of the drugs, the Commission are of opinion that their moderate use produces no moral injury whatever. There is no adequate ground for believing that it injuriously affects the character of the consumer. Excessive consumption, on the other hand, both indicates and intensifies moral weakness or depravity (1:264).

Discussion
Viewing the subject generally, it may be added that the moderate use of these drugs is the rule, and that the excessive use is comparatively exceptional. The moderate use practically produces no ill effects. In all but the most exceptional cases, the injury from habitual moderate use is not appreciable. The excessive use may certainly be accepted as very injurious, though it must be admitted that in many excessive consumers the injury is not clearly marked. The injury done by the excessive use is, however, confined almost exclusively to the consumer himself; the effect on society is rarely appreciable. It has been the most striking feature in this inquiry to find how little the effects of hemp drugs have obtruded themselves on observation. The large number of witnesses of all classes who professed never to have seen these effects, the vague statements made by many who professed to have observed them, the very few witnesses who could so recall a case as to give any definite account of it, and the manner in which a large proportion of these cases broke down on the first attempt to examine them, are facts which combine to show most clearly how little injury society has hitherto sustained from hemp drugs (1:264).

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Thursday, August 2, 2012

INDIAN HEMP DRUGS COMMISSION - ON THE RELIGION OF HEMP

Indian Hemp Drugs Commission Report-SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CUSTOMS.

Physical, Mental, and Moral Effects of Marijuana: The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission Report

Physical, Mental, and Moral Effects of Marijuana: The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission Report

Tod H. Mikuriya, M.D.

San Francisco, California