Eight Key Proposals
Toward Another Europe
By ERIC TOUSSAINTThe crisis has shaken the  European Union to its very foundations. Public debt is suffocating  several countries that have been badly hit by the financial markets.  With the governments currently in office, and the European Commission  (EC), European Central Bank (ECB), and IMF all aiding and abetting, the  financial institutions responsible for the crisis are making lots of  money while speculating on government debt. Meanwhile, business owners  are taking advantage of the situation to launch an offensive against the  social and economic rights of the majority.
The reduction of public deficits must be brought about  not through cuts in spending for social programs, but through an  increase in tax revenue as a result of efficient measures against tax  evasion, more taxation on capital, financial transactions, personal  wealth, and higher incomes. To reduce public deficits, cuts should be  made in arms spending, as well as other expenditures that are socially  obnoxious and detrimental to the environment. It is by contrast  essential to increase spending on social programs, if only to compensate  for the consequences of the economic depression. Beyond this protective  position, the current crisis should be seen as an opportunity to break  away from the capitalist mindset and achieve a radical change in  society. The new logic to be developed must turn away from productivism,  take the environment into account, remove all forms of oppression  (based on race, gender or other arbitrary criteria), and support  universal access to common goods.
To achieve this goal we must build an anti-crisis  front both locally and at the European level so as to bring together  enough energy to create a balance of power that is favorable to the  implementation of radical solutions focusing on social justice and  concern for the environment. As early as August 2010, the CADTM drafted  eight alternative proposals to the crisis in Europe.[2] The main point  is the need to cancel the illegitimate part of the public debt. To this  end, the CADTM recommends setting up an audit under citizen control,  which should be combined, in some cases, with a unilateral and sovereign  suspension of repayment. The aim of the audit is to cancel the  illegitimate part of the public debt and to strongly reduce the  remainder.
A radical reduction of public debt is necessary but  not sufficient in order to get EU countries out of the crisis. It has to  be complemented with significant measures in various areas. 
1. Auditing public debt to cancel the illegitimate part 
A significant part of the public debt in EU countries  is illegitimate since it results from a deliberate policy by governments  that have decided to systematically favor the moneyed classes to the  detriment of other members of society. Tax reductions on higher incomes,  personal wealth, and the profits of private corporations have led  public authorities to increase the public debt so as to compensate for  the drop in government revenues. They have also raised the tax burden on  low income households, that is, on the majority of the population.  Moreover, the 2007-2008 bail out of the private the financial  institutions responsible for the crisis has meant huge spending of  public money and a rapid rise of public debt. The decrease in revenues  because of the crisis triggered by private financial institutions had to  be financed once again by massive borrowing. Such a context clearly  shows the illegitimacy of a significant part of the public debt. In a  number of countries blackmailed by the financial markets we must add  other obvious sources of illegitimacy. From 2008 onward, public money  has been borrowed from private banks (and other private financial  institutions), which have used the money they get at very low rates from  central banks to speculate and compel governments to raise the amounts  they pay them. In countries such as Greece, Hungary, Latvia, Romania,  and Ireland, IMF loans were granted on conditions that run against the  population's economic and social interests. Worse yet, these conditions  again favor banks and other financial institutions. They must therefore  be regarded as illegitimate. Finally, in some cases governments have  gone against the will of the people: for instance, while in February  2011 a large majority of the Irish voted against parties that had  granted gifts to bankers and accepted the conditions imposed by the  European Commission and the IMF, the new government coalition has led  the same policies as the previous ones. More generally, in many  countries the legislative branch of government has gotten marginalized  by policies enforced by the executive branch after agreements with the  European Commission and the IMF. The executive submits the agreement to  Parliament who then has to take it or leave it. In some cases, debates  without votes are organized on major issues. The tendency of the  executive branch to turn parliament into a rubberstamping assembly is  getting stronger.
In such a troublesome situation, knowing as we do that  several countries will soon have to face a defaulting scenario for want  of cash, and that repaying illegitimate debt is by definition  inacceptable, we have to speak out loud and clear in favor of the  cancellation of illegitimate debt. The cost of the cancellation must be  borne by private financial institutions, i.e. those that are responsible  for the crisis. 
Countries such as Greece, Ireland, Portugal, and ones  in Eastern Europe (or outside the EU, such as Iceland), i.e. countries  that are being blackmailed by speculators, the IMF and other bodies such  as the European Commission, ought to call for a unilateral moratorium  on repayment of the public debt. The proposal is gaining popular support  in countries that are most badly hit by the crisis. In Dublin at the  end of November 2010, in a telephone survey of some 500 people, 57% of  the Irish in the poll favored defaulting rather than receiving emergency  aid from the IMF and the EU. Default! say the people, was the headline  of the Sunday Independent, the island's main weekly. The CADTM argues  that such a unilateral moratorium must be combined with the auditing of  public loans (with citizen participation). 
The auditing should give the  government and public opinion the necessary evidence and arguments to  cancel/repudiate the part of the debt that has been found to be  illegitimate. International law and the various national laws offer a  legal basis for such a unilateral sovereign act of  cancellation/repudiation. 
Its experience working on the debt question in the  South incites the CADTM to warn defaulting countries against  insufficient measures such as merely suspending repayment, which can  prove counterproductive. What is required is a moratorium without  accrual of interest on over-due loans. 
In other countries such as France, the UK or Germany,  it may not be imperative to call for a unilateral moratorium during the  auditing period. Yet an audit has to be carried out in order to  determine the scope of the cancellation/repudiation called for. Should  the international economic environment deteriorate further, a suspension  of payment may be on the agenda even for countries that thought they  could not be blackmailed by private creditors.
Citizen participation is an imperative condition to  guarantee that an audit is objective and transparent. The auditing  committee must include the various public bodies concerned, experts in  auditing public finances, economists, jurists, constitutionalists, and  representatives of social movements. This will make it possible to  decide on the various responsibilities involved in the indebtedness  process and to demand accountability of those responsible, whether at a  national or international level. Should the current government not agree  to debt auditing, a citizens auditing committee must be set up, without  the government's participation. 
In all cases, it is legitimate for private  institutions and high-income individuals, who hold debt securities, to  bear the burden of the cancellation of illegitimate sovereign debt,  since they are largely responsible for the crisis, and have also  profited from it. This is merely a fair return to more social justice.  It is important to create a register of security holders in order to  compensate those who have low or middle-range incomes. 
If the audit brings up evidence of crimes related to  illegitimate debt, their perpetrators must be heavily sentenced to pay  compensation and serve prison terms as befits the severity of their  transgressions. Public bodies that have contracted illegitimate loans  must be held accountable.
As for legitimate debt, creditors should be forced to  try and reduce the principal and the interest rates, and to postpone  maturity. Here again, positive discrimination in favor of small holders  of public debt securities should insure that they get paid. Moreover,  the amount in the state budget set aside for refunding the debt must be  capped depending on the economic conditions, public bodies' ability to  repay, and the irreducible nature of spending on social programs. We  must take inspiration from what was done for Germany after WWII. The  1953 London agreement on German external debt (which among other  measures reduced the principal of the debt by 62%) stipulated that the  debt service / annual export income ratio could not exceed 5%.[3] We  could define a similar ratio: the amount dedicated to repaying the debt  cannot exceed 5% of the State's revenues. We must also define a legal  framework so as to avoid a repetition of the crisis that started in  2007-2008, including the prohibition of socializing private debts, an  obligation to organize a permanent audit of public debt policies, with  citizen participation, the non applicability of statutory limitations to  crimes related to illegitimate debt, invalidity of illegitimate debt,  and so on. 
2. Stop austerity plans, they are unfair- making the crisis worse
Governments of European countries have chosen to  comply with IMF demands and impose strict austerity policies on their  populations, with slashed public spending, including massive layoffs of  civil servants and frozen or even reduced salaries for them, reduced  access to some vital public services and to social protection, later  retirement age. Conversely public corporations have demanded – and  received – an increase in their prices, while the cost for getting  access to health care and education has risen. Using particularly unfair  higher indirect taxes such as sales tax (VAT) is more and more  frequent. Public corporations in the sectors open to competition have  been massively privatized. The austerity policies implemented have been  pushed to levels not seen since World War II. The consequences of the  crisis have thus been made much worse by the alleged remedies, the main  aim of which is to protect the interests of capital holders. In a  nutshell, champagne for the bankers, and peanuts for the workers,  pensioners, and unemployed! 
But the people are less and less ready to bear the  injustice of such reforms, which signify large scale social regression.  Those who are being forced to contribute the most to enable governments  to pay back creditors are wage earners, the unemployed and low-income  households. Meanwhile, women are the most severely affected, since the  current organization of patriarchal society and the economy is such that  they bear the brunt of the disastrous consequences of make-shift,  part-time, and under-paid jobs. They are also directly affected by the  deterioration of public social services. Our struggle to impose another  mindset must go hand in hand with a struggle for the total respect of  women's rights. 
3. Establish real European fiscal justice and a  fair redistribution of wealth. Ban transactions with legal and tax  havens. Fight against the massive fiscal fraud being committed by the  largest and most prosperous corporations. 
Since 1980, the rates of direct taxation on the  highest incomes and largest corporations have continuously fallen in the  European Union. Between 2000 and 2008, the highest personal income tax  rate fell by 7 percent, while the highest corporate tax rate dropped by  8.5 percent. These hundreds of billions of euros in tax breaks have been  largely dished out to speculators and the richest members of society,  who have seen their wealth continue to accumulate. 
Major fiscal reform aiming for social justice must be  implemented (decreasing the revenues and personal wealth of the richest  so that the rest of the planet can have more), and adopted throughout  Europe in order to prevent fiscal dumping.[4] The goal is to increase  public revenues, in particular via a progressive tax on the revenues of  the wealthiest individuals (the marginal rate for those in the highest  tax bracket must be raised to 90% [5]),  a tax on personal wealth above a  certain amount, and a corporate tax. This increase in revenues must be  accompanied by a rapid decrease in the price of every day goods and  services, such as basic food items, water, electricity, heating, public  transport, and school supplies, which can be accomplished via a  substantial and targeted decrease in the sales tax (VAT) applied to  these vital goods and services. The fiscal policy adopted should also  encourage the protection of the environment by applying a dissuasive tax  penalizing companies that pollute. 
The EU must adopt a tax on financial transactions,  particularly on foreign exchange markets, so as to increase government  revenues. 
Despite their lofty intentions, the G20 countries have  repeatedly refused to deal with legal and tax havens. A simple measure  to fight against these tax havens (which drain vital resources needed  for the development of people in Northern as well as Southern countries)  would consist in adopting a law officially banning all individuals and  companies located in a country from making any kind of transaction  transiting through a tax haven, with a fine that would be equivalent to  the amount of the forbidden transaction. Ultimately, these financial  cesspools must be eliminated, along with the criminal activities,  corruption, and white-collar suit and tie delinquency occurring there. 
Fiscal fraud drains a considerable amount of resources  from the local community and adversely affects employment. Substantial  public resources must be allocated to government finance services so  they can combat this kind of fraud effectively. The results of their  activities must be made public, and the guilty parties must be severely  punished. 
4. Rein in the financial markets by creating a  register of securities holders, and forbidding short sales and  speculation in various domains. Create a public European rating agency. 
Worldwide speculation represents several times the  amount of wealth produced on the planet. The highly complex nature of  this financial engineering makes it totally uncontrollable. The  mechanisms it puts into play undermine the real economy. Opaque  financial transactions are the rule. To be taxed at the source, the  creditors must be first identified. Financial market dictatorships must  come to an end! Speculation must also be forbidden in many arenas.  Speculation on government bonds, currencies, and food should also be  forbidden.[6] Short sales must also be banned [7] and Credit Default  Swaps strictly regulated. Over-the-counter derivatives markets must be  closed, because they are veritable black holes, not subject to any  regulation or surveillance. 
Rating agencies must also be seriously reformed and  strictly regulated. Far from being instruments for making objective  scientific estimations, they have become basic devices structuring  neoliberal globalization and have already triggered social catastrophes  several times. When a country's rating is lowered, the interest rates on  the loans made to it are increased, which explains why the economic  situation in the country concerned further deteriorates. The complacent  behavior of speculators greatly exacerbates the difficulties  encountered, which will adversely affect common citizens. The submissive  attitudes of these rating agencies in their dealings with the North  American financial sector, has turned them into a major actor on the  international scene, and their responsibility in triggering and  worsening crises has not been highlighted enough by the media. The  economic stability of European countries has been placed in the hands of  these rating agencies with no safeguards, no serious means of  controlling them provided by governmental authorities. The only way to  get out of this impasse is by creating a public rating agency. 
5. Transfer the banks to the public sector with citizen control. 
After decades of financial excesses and  privatizations, it is high time to transfer the banking sector to the  public domain. Governments must recover their capacity to control and  frame economic and financial activity. They must also have the  instruments needed to make investments and finance public spending by  minimizing the need to borrow from private and/or foreign institutions.  Banks must be expropriated with no compensation for their owners, and  transferred to the public sector where they would be placed under  citizen control. 
In some cases, the expropriation of private banks  would represent a cost for the State because of the debts they have  accumulated. This cost would have to be paid for by the banks' major  shareholders. The private corporations, which are shareholders of the  banks and often led them to the financial abyss in the first place,  while making juicy profits, hold part of their wealth in other sectors  of the economy. A levy must be placed on the wealth of these  shareholders, so as to avoid making the general public pay for the bank  losses. The Irish example is emblematic: the way in which the Irish  Allied Bank was nationalized is totally unacceptable, and we must draw  appropriate lessons from this very bad example. 
6. Re-nationalize the companies and services privatized since 1980. 
During past thirty years many public corporations and  public services have been privatized. From banks to the heavy industry  sector as well as the postal service and telecommunications, energy, and  transport, governments worldwide have handed over entire blocks of the  economy to the private sector, losing in the bargain any capacity to  regulate the economy. These public goods, which are the fruit of  collective work, must be returned to the public domain. The idea would  be to create new public corporations and to adapt public services to the  needs of the people, in particular to respond to climate change issues,  with for example the creation of a public service for insulating  buildings. 
7. Drastically reduce the amount of time people work to create jobs and increase wages and pensions 
Redistributing wealth in a different way is the best  response to the crisis. The share of the wealth produced going to  employees has significantly decreased for decades, while the creditors  and businesses have increased their profits and as a consequence engaged  in more financial speculation. Increasing wages, not only increases  people's well-being, it also makes more means available for social  protection and pensions. 
By decreasing the amount of time people work without  decreasing wages, and by creating new jobs, workers will see an  improvement in their quality of life and jobs will be given to those who  are looking for one. Drastically decreasing the amount of time people  work also offers the possibility of putting into place another pace of  life, a different way of living in society that turns its back on the  excesses of consumer society. The time saved for leisure activities  could be translated into an increased participation of people in their  community's political life, more inter-personal solidarity, and also  used for volunteer and artistic activities. 
8. For a new, democratic European Union based on solidarity. 
Several provisions in the treaties of the European  Union, the Euro Zone, and the ECB must be abrogated, such as articles 63  and 125 of the Treaty of Lisbon prohibiting all control of movements of  capital and all aid to a State in difficulty. The Stability and Growth  Pact must also be abandoned.  Furthermore, the present treaties must be  replaced by new ones in the framework of a real democratic constitutive  process to come up with a people's solidarity pact for jobs and the  environment. 
Monetary policy must be completely revised as must the  status and practices of the Central European Bank. The inability of the  political authorities to oblige the ECB to mint money is a severe  handicap. By placing the ECB above the governments and thus the people,  the European Union made the disastrous choice of placing human interests  below financial interests instead of the contrary. 
With many social movements denouncing its statutes as  being too rigid and utterly inappropriate, the ECB was forced to change  its policy in the midst of the crisis and to modify the role that it had  been given. Unfortunately, it agreed to do so for the wrong reasons. It  did not mean to take the interests of the people into account, but to  preserve those of the creditors.  This attitude clearly illustrates that  the cards need to be reshuffled and another hand dealt.  The ECB must  be able to finance States directly when their concern is to reach social  and environmental targets that fully meet the fundamental needs of  their populations.
Today, extremely diverse economic activities, from  investing in the construction of a hospital to a project of pure  speculation, are financed in a similar way. The political authorities  must at least consider imposing very different costs for each kind of  borrowing:  low rates should be reserved for investments that are  socially just and economically sustainable, while applying very high  rates, even prohibitive when the situation demands, for speculative  operations which could also be purely and simply prohibited in certain  domains (see above). 
With a Europe based on solidarity and cooperation it  should be possible to get away from the competitive ethos which tends to  cause a lowering of standards. The neo-liberal mindset has led to a  crisis and has proven to be a failure. It has dragged down social  indicators resulting in less social protection, fewer jobs, and fewer  public services. The few who have profited from the crisis have done so  by trampling on the rights of the others, the majority.  The culprits  have won; the victims are forced to pay! This logic, which underlies all  the founding texts of the European Union, with the Stability and Growth  Pact leading the field, has to be demolished.  It has lost all  credibility. Another Europe, based on cooperation between States and  solidarity between peoples, must become the primary objective. To this  end, budgetary and fiscal policies must be coordinated, but not  standardized, for there are huge disparities between the European  economies. Only coordinating them can bring about a solution which will  enable everyone to go forward. Far-reaching policies on the European  scale, including massive public investment for job creation in essential  public services, from local services to sustainable energy, from the  battle against climate change to basic social sectors,   must be  enforced. 
The CADTM maintains that this new democratized Europe  must strive to establish non negotiable principles. It must uphold and  improve social and fiscal justice, make choices that will raise the  standard of living of its inhabitants, engage in arms reduction and a  radical decrease in military spending (including withdrawing European  troops from Afghanistan and leaving NATO), choose sustainable energies  so as to avoid nuclear power, and refuse genetically modified organisms  (GMO). Furthermore, Europe must resolutely put an end to its "besieged  fortress" policy regarding candidates for immigration, so that it can  become a partner trusted for its fairness and true solidarity towards  the peoples of the South.
 
 
 
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