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Friday, May 12, 2017

Arthur Kemp : Brexit is Irrelevant to Britain’s Future


Brexit is Irrelevant to Britain’s Future

The June 23 vote on British membership of the European Union is meaningless to the UK’s future—because longstanding immigration policies will have plunged Britain into minority white and Third World status by 2066.

This racial demographic shift will happen no matter what the referendum’s outcome might be—a fact which all of the “vote no” campaigns stoically ignore—and can only be averted by dramatic—and unlikely—internal political reform.
The projection that Britain will become majority nonwhite is not some flight of fancy or delusional rant.

Professor David Coleman, Supernumerary Fellow in Human Sciences and University Professor in Demography at St. John’s College, Oxford, produced a study in 2013 which showed that the aftereffects of “decades of migration” and natural reproduction rates will have made the UK the West’s “most ethnically diverse nation after 2050.”
Furthermore, Professor Coleman said, white Britons will be an outright minority in the UK by the year 2066.

His findings were in a report compiled for the Migration Observatory, part of Oxford University’s Centre on MigrationPolicy and Society (COMPAS).

He wrote: “On current trends European populations will become more ethnically diverse, with the possibility that today’s majority ethnic groups will no longer comprise a numerical majority.”

Professor Coleman said migration has become the “primary driver of demographic change.”

According to the data—extracted from the Office of National Statistics (ONS) Census—as of 2011, around 20 percent of people in the UK are “nonwhite or non-British.”

This percentage, the report said, expected to rise to a quarter by 2025, a third by 2040, and reach up to 38 percent by 2050.

Declining birth rates among white Britons is another factor, he said. In England and Wales, 25 percent of births were already to foreign-born mothers.
White Minority in UK by 2066
The report concluded that “the crossover for the whole country when the combined population of all ethnic minority groups together would exceed the population of white British will occur at around 2066.”
Professor Coleman’s figures are from 2012, it should be remembered. By 2016, the situation is much worse.


The report showed that of the 3,289 children born at Ealing Hospital, from February 2010 to February 2011, some 2,655 were to “foreign nationals.”

These foreign nationals included mothers from 104 different countries, including India (537 babies), Sri Lanka (270), Somalia (260), Afghanistan (200), and Pakistan (208).

There were only 634 babies born to “British mothers” at Ealing hospital—although not even that figure determined if these “British” mothers were second of third generation Third World immigrants, a highly possible fact given that whites are already an outright minority in London.

In fact, the only thing that can be said with any certainty is that the 389 Polish mothers who gave birth at Ealing hospital during that time, would have been white.
London Already Majority Third World
The trends are obvious for anyone wishing to see them. According to the 2011 ONS Census, 45 percent of Londoners described themselves as "white British"—a drop from the 58 percent who did so just ten years earlier.

If that was not enough, the next generation of Londoners—that is, those currently in school—should tell anyone who wants to know, what that city will look like in another ten years.

According to 2012 figures released by the UK’sDepartment for Education (DFE), some 69 percent of all school children in Greater London are nonwhite.

The DFE figures show that for all of London—divided into “inner” and an “outer”” regions for statistical purposes, there were, in 2012, a total of 498,445 pupils at school.

Inner London had 176,920 pupils, of whom 81.3 percent of primary pupils were officially classified as “nonwhite British” by the DFE.

For secondary schools in Inner London, the DFE said that 80.7 percent are “nonwhite British.”

In Outer London, the DFE said, 62.1 percent of primary school children are “nonwhite British,” and 58.7 percent of secondary schoolchildren are “nonwhite British.”

Averaged out, this means that some 67.25 percent of all of London’s schoolchildren are “nonwhite British”—and this would have been in 2012, four years ago.

If London is already 55 percent non-British, the implications of the school-age population entering the adult population will dramatically tip the population balance even more within the next five years.

This has nothing to do with the EU, and everything to do with the immigration policies pursued by successive British governments, for which the people of Britain have continuously voted.
Birmingham Already Majority Third World
Birmingham is Britain’s second largest city—and it is in exactly the same positon as London.

In 2011—that is, five years ago already—a studyby Professor Ludi Simpson, Professor of Population Studies at ManchesterUniversity, revealed that the city of Birmingham is set to become minority white even if there is no further immigration.


In a report on the declining number of white British schoolchildren in Birmingham, Professor Simpson said that “curbs on immigration will not prevent Birmingham having a white minority population in the future.”

As reported in the Birmingham Mail in 2011, the number of children from “white families is already falling in the Second City, with more than half of under 16s now being from black, Asian, and other ethnic communities.”

“There has been greater diversity of ethnic origins in Britain and Birmingham for each of the past five decades and longer,” he said. “That is unlikely to change.”

“Future immigration is not the reason for this change,” Professor Simpson pointed out—meaning that natural reproduction rates of already existing Third World immigrants was more than enough to swamp the city.

Once again, this is happening completely irrelevant of EU membership.
Birmingham’s school-age population mirrors that of London

According to a 2013 report issued by theBirmingham Community Safety Partnership (BCSP), just 31 percent of children in that city’s schools were classified as white.

The report also revealed that children spoke a total of 108 languages at home, including Urdu, Punjabi, Bengali, Somali, and others.
Manchester’s Racial Demographic Swing Near
According to the 2011 ONS Census for the city of Manchester, what it called “Ethnic Minority Groups (not White),” accounted for 33.4 percent of the population in that metropolis.
  
However, that overall figure hides the reality of the age spread of the Third World immigrant population.

According to the “Ethnic groups in Manchester by age and sex (residents) Census 2011” (Table 2, Manchester CityCouncil Public Intelligence Population Publications, report “A17 2011 EthnicGroups by broad age and sex”), Third World immigrants dominate the under-18 age group.


According to the ONS figures—which, it bears repeating once again, are already five years out of date—in the age group 0–4 years, “Ethnic Minority Groups (not White)” made up 52.4 percent of the total.

In the age group 5–9, “Ethnic Minority Groups (not White)” made up 52 percent of the total.

In the age group 10–15, “Ethnic Minority Groups (not White)” made up 45.6 percent of the total, and in the age group 16–17, they made up 42.6 percent of the total.

The effect of this upon Manchester’s immediate demographic future—that is, within the next five years—is obvious. The city—the third largest in Britain after London and Birmingham—will be majority nonwhite within ten years.
The “Net Immigration” Trick
Professor Coleman’s 2012 report was based on the then current “net rates of immigration,” which had been running at more than 200,000 a year.
The use of the words “net immigration” is, however, an old establishment political party trick to deceive the public about the true extent of Third World immigration into Britain.

The con works this way: they add up the total number of immigrants arriving in Britain, and then deduct from that number the total number of people leaving the country—and the difference is called “net immigration.”

In this way, 200,000 low-IQ sub-Saharan Africans coming into Britain are put on the same level as say, 50,000 white Britons retiring to Spain, or otherwise emigrating—and in this way, they justify the “stabilization” of the UK’s population, as if there has not really been any significant change at all.

The Conservative Party is the prime proponent of this “net migration” confidence trick—which they call “balanced migration.”

Even though the Conservative Party’s election manifesto regularly claims that they will bring “balanced migration levels” to the UK, of course they have never done anything of the sort, and Third World migration into Britain continues to be as high—if not higher—as it was during the Labour Party’s years in power.
UKIP Fails to Address the Real Issue
Even the UK Independence Party (UKIP), which is currently the favored “alternative” party to the Conservative and Labour parties, often touts this “balanced migration” lie.

In its 2015 election manifesto, the party specifically said that “UKIP has no intention of ‘pulling up the drawbridge’ to Britain, as has been suggested. We simply want to control who walks over it, like nearly 200 other countries worldwide.”


It is clear that not even UKIP dares to address the real issue—namely that there are already so many Third World immigrants and their descendants present in Britain, that even if the drawbridge had to be pulled up,” it would make no difference to the fact that by 2060, white British people are going to be a minority in the UK.
Does EU Membership Matter?
The conclusion of this demographic overview is unpalatable to many on the “right” who have campaigned so vigorously for the “no” vote in the June 23 UK referendum.

This conclusion is that membership of the EU is going to make no difference to the only real issue facing Britain: its survival as a First World, majority European, nation.

While there might—or might not, depending on whose statistics one wants to believe—be some economic advantage to leaving the EU—that doesn’t really matter.

EU membership will be irrelevant to the Kingdom of Britainistan in 2060, which will resemble a cross between Nigeria and Saudi Arabia.

The only way that this future can be averted is through a social and political revolution to halt and reverse Third World demographic replacement.

Given current political circumstances in Britain, what are the chances of such a political and social revolution?

The answer to that, unfortunately, is clear.

Wise people should now be thinking of alternatives.

Hans Günther - The racial elements of European history - Chapter IVa

Hans Günther - The racial elements of European history



THE RACIAL ELEMENTS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY

Chapter IV Part One

 RACIAL STRAINS FROM OUTSIDE EUROPE
 The Hither Asiatic [ΠΡΟΣΩ ΑΣΙΑΤΙΚΗ] race

IN the second chapter we dealt only with those bodily characteristics which show themselves especially clearly in the outward appearance, that is to say, with some only of the outwardly visible hereditary bodily attributes. Besides other visible characteristics, therefore, hereditary racial characteristics within the body were also left undealt with; these last we are still unable to consider even to-day, for a beginning has hardly yet been made with them. Here, too, we can only just refer to the peculiarities of movement in the various races, and to racial blood analysis.l
Besides those hereditary elements which can be recognized or at least surmised in the European population as coming from one of the European races, there are also characteristics that are not yet ascribed to any European race or to a racial strain from outside Europe, and are, perhaps, not true racial marks, or are marks which occur in several races: among such may be mentioned the epicanthus and the so-called Mongolian spot.

In the case of the Mongolian fold, where this is found at times in Europeans an Inner Asiatic (Mongolian) strain may be generally suspected; where there is very frizzly hair we may suspect a Negro strain.

In Eastern Europe, as, too, in Hungary and the Balkans, whither tribes of Asiatic origin have ever been penetrating, an Inner Asiatic strain can be seen, growing more and more evident as we go eastwards.

This strain is to be found, too (through Lappish blood), in northern Finland, Sweden, and Norway (cp. Figs. 144 and 145).
A Negro strain is found from olden times all over the Mediterranean area (Negroes in the Roman army, Negro slaves), especially in the shipping towns since the Crusades. Negroes were, and still are, the fashion as servants in the big towns. Marriages with Southern Europeans have brought Negro blood into Central Europe; Italian navvies, particularly, have often shown a more or less evident Negro strain. Into France Negro blood has made its way from the French territories in Africa. Portugal, owing to the former importation of slaves from Africa, shows a particularly well-marked Negro strain.2 To-day it is first and foremost French policy that is intensifying the 'Black Peril' for the whole world by giving the Negro, through the granting of full civil rights and officer's rank, an influence whose full results we cannot yet see.3 For Germany the French domination involves the 'Black Shame,' whose results, too, cannot be foreseen -- the attacks by Africans on white women in the occupied territory. Distler in his book, Das deutsche Leid am Rhein. Anklagen gegen die Schandherrschaft des französischen Militarismus (1921), has to say that: 'It is beyond all doubt that the birth-rate of cross-breeds is steadily rising.'
A Malay strain, arising from the mixed unions which have been customary among the Dutch in their colonies since the seventeenth century, is to be seen unmistakably in the towns of Holland.
Fig. 144 - Yakut Woman, Inner Asiatic Race Fig. 145 - Gilyak from the Chaivinsky Gulf, Inner Asiatic Race
Fig. 146 - Holland, Van Haanen, painter, Nordic with Malay strain
Fig. 147 - Dahomey Negro
Fig. 148 - Russia, Tartar, Inner Asiatic with East Baltic strain Fig. 149 - Magyar (Szekler) woman, predominantly Inner Asiatic
 
Figs. 150a, 150b - Transylvania, Inner Asiatic-Dinaric, or Inner Asiatic-Hither Asiatic
   
From the Caucasus and Asia Minor there reaches as far as the Balkans a fairly strong strain of the Hither Asiatic race. This strain is recognizable, too, in Spain and southern Italy. In Spain and southern Italy, particularly in Sicily, there are slight Oriental racial strains. These two races are strongly represented in the mixed blood of the Jews. In the gipsies, too, they are both present.
Fig. 151 - Skull from Asia Minor, Hither Asiatic Race
Fig. 152 - Imeretian from Kutais, Hither Asiatic Race
Fig. 153 - Armenian, Hither Asiatic Race
Fig. 153a - von Heidenstam, Nordic-Hither Asiatic

The Hither Asiatic [ΠΡΟΣΩ ΑΣΙΑΤΙΚΗ] race must be considered as a branch of the Dinaric. Both have so many marks in common that there has been a tendency to look on them as a single human group. The Hither Asiatic race is of middling height, and thick-set; the head is short and rises straight up at the back; the face is narrow, with a very prominent nose, which sinks downward at the cartilage and has a fleshy lower end; the lips are rather full; the hair is brown or black, generally curly, often too, it would seem, frizzly; the eyes are brown; the skin is brownish. Both the body hair and the beard grow very strong. The eyebrows are thick, and often meet above the nose. Compared with the Dinaric race the chin is less prominent, and lies farther back; a line drawn from the upper lip to the chin is characteristic for the profile of the Hither Asiatic race. The line from the ear to the cheek-bones runs somewhat more downwards than in the other races here considered. If the expression of the Dinaric face may be called bold, that of the Hither Asiatic is cunning. In their mental qualities these two races, which have so great a bodily likeness, show a good deal of difference. In the Hither Asiatic man there is a striking gift for trade, more than ordinary powers of reading character and understanding human nature, and a tendency to deliberate cruelty, combined with musical and histrionic ability. 'Not so much an energetic spirit of enterprise as a watchful reserve, not so much a proud self-reliance as a crafty spirit of calculation is what speaks out from their eyes'; this is Stiehl's excellent picture of the Armenian prisoners of war of Hither Asiatic race.4 The Caucasus is the area where the Hither Asiatic race is most predominant. The original languages of this race are the Caucasian (Alarodic).
Fig. 154 - Arab from South Algeria (sharply bent nose), according to Weninger C, 76.64, F, 98.52
Fig. 155 - Assyrian, the nose is bent in the last third, characteristic shape of the lips
Fig. 156 - Mummy portrait from Egypt, Second Century AD, characteristic shape of the lips
Fig. 157 - Georgian, Hither Asiatic strain
Fig. 158 - Arab Sheikh from Palmyra
Fig. 159 - Arab from the Algerian Sahara
The Oriental race, which is found as a slight strain in Southern Europe, is short to middling height, slender, long-headed, and narrow-faced. The nose is narrow, or curved in the lower third (Fig. 155), less often sharply curved in the upper third (Fig. 154), and not very prominent, being sometimes rather flat; now and again it has a somewhat deep-lying, though narrow, root (Fig. 158). The lips are slightly swollen, often, as it were, arched and pointed in a smile. The deep groove (sulcus mentalabialis) between the under lip and the chin often lies higher than in other races (Fig. 156); this gives a characteristic look to the face of the Oriental race. The under lip as a result sometimes leaves the impression of being slightly protruded, as it probably often is. The skin is rather fair; it often looks fairer than that of the Mediterranean race, but with a fairness which is pale, not rosy. The hair is dark brown or black, and usually curly. The eyes are very dark. They are often almond-shaped, that is to say, the inner corners are rounded, while the outer corners come more to a point, the opening between the lids rising slightly in the outward direction. The eyes often have a sunken look.

The Oriental race is probably akin to the Mediterranean. Its original home seems to have been Arabia in the Diluvial Age, when this was still a fertile area. The Arabian Bedouin still show the strongest Oriental strain. The Semitic tongues belonged originally to the Oriental race. Owing to tribes of Oriental race having spread these tongues far and wide, they are spoken to-day by many whose blood belongs to other races.

Fig. 160 - Russia, Lermontov, Poet, 1814-41, Oriental-Dinaric
Fig. 161 - Rumania, Oriental
 Fig. 162 - Turk from Smyrna, Oriental with Hither Asiatic strain
Fig. 163 - Netherlands, Van Dyck, Painter (self-portrait), Nordic with Oriental strain

Oriental and Hither Asiatic blood has been spread from the East over the whole of South-eastern Europe, above all in the lands around the Black Sea and in the Balkans, and also wherever Islam has been carried, especially, therefore, in Spain. Through unions with Southern Europeans the blood of the Oriental and of the Hither Asiatic race has sometimes made its way, too, to Central and Northern Europe. The fact of there being a strain of these races in a Central or Northern European does not, then, always point to a Jewish connexion (cp. Fig. 163).
Over and above strains of blood from outside Europe, such as the foregoing, it may well be that occasionally characteristics of prehistoric European races will be traceable, when investigations are once begun in this direction. Possibly, for example, among criminals there is a somewhat greater frequency of characteristics of the Neanderthal race; so that, for example, a low retreating forehead, or underhung jaws, and a small brain-chamber in the skull would not always have to be interpreted as signs of degeneration only, but in many cases as characters inherited from this prehistoric race and sprinkled throughout the population; which characters might easily show themselves on the mental side in criminal tendencies.

In Scotland a strain of the palaeolithic Crô-magnon race has been suspected, as also in Norway in the Drontheim district,5 in Sweden in the Dalarna province, in Germany in Westphalia.6 I am inclined to believe in the probability of a strain of this race (with fair hair and skin, and light eyes?) for Westphalia, and an area from Westphalia to West Thuringia. The race we are speaking of is very tall -- tall and broad, not tall and slender; broad-faced and long-headed; by some it is held to be dark-haired and dark-eyed, others hold that it is fair. In Norway, and thence derivatively in Iceland7 -- as also it would seem in Scotland -- we have to do with a strain from a dark-haired, dark-eyed race; in Dalarna perhaps only with the results of a Nordic-East Baltic cross.



Footnotes for Chapter IV Part One
 
1 On these points cp. Rassenkunde des deutschen Volkes. On blood analysis and other departments of research in racial physiology, cp. Basler, Rassen- und Gesellschaftsphysiologie, 1925.
2 In America it is believed that any admixture of Negro blood can be recognized by the colouring of the white of the nails. This crescent-shaped mark at the bottom of the nail which in the European races is white, is said to show a bluish tinge for many generations after a mingling of Negro blood.
3 On the dangers, equally great for the European and the American peoples, of the French policy towards the natives of Africa, cp. the following articles: 'Die schwarze Weltgefahr,' by Widenbauer; and 'Wesen und Zweck der französischen Koloniepolitik,' by v. Oefele (both in Deutschlands Erneuerung, 1923, Heft 12). Cp. also the book of Larsen (a Dane), Der flug des Adlers über den Rhein und den Äquator, 1925, which deserves to be circulated especially in Germany. On the Black Peril in general, see Stoddard, The Rising Tide of Colour against White World-Supremacy, 1920. That in France, too, there are glimpses of the danger can be seen by what Le Temps wrote on 26th April 1923: 'In the Roman Empire towards its end the legions were replaced by barbarian hordes. We know what that cost.'

4 Stiehl, Unsere Feinde, Characterköpfe aus deutschen Kriegsgefargenenlagern, 1916.

5 Bryn, 'En Nordisk Crô-magnontype,' Ymer, 1921.

6 Hauschild, 'Zur Anthropologie der Crô-magnonrasse.' Zeitschr. für Ethnol., Heft I-4. 1923.
7 Hanneson, Körpermasse und Körperproportionen der Isländer, Reykjavik, 1925. 

 http://www.theapricity.com/earlson/reeh/reoehchap4a.htm
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Hans Günther - The racial elements of European history - Chapter V

Hans Günther - The racial elements of European history


THE RACIAL ELEMENTS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY

Chapter V
ENVIRONMENT, INHERITANCE, RACIAL MIXTURE
THE attempt has been made, especially in the nineteenth century, to explain racial characters by the environment: according to this theory one environment produces brachycephaly, another dolichocephaly; one produces light colouring, another dark; one produces tallness, another shortness. It came even to be supposed that an influence was exercised by men's activities, by their customs, by their calling, even by their food. These views were strengthened by a belief in the inheritance of acquired characters (Lamarckism), which research on heredity could not confirm. The leading investigators on heredity in our time, such as Morgan and his fellow-workers in North America, de Vries in Holland, Johansen in Denmark, Correns and Baur in Germany, have all expressed themselves against the possibility of an inheritance of acquired characters. This is true, too, for the mental qualities of man. 'When Johansen says that experimental research has so far not yielded a single example of acquired characters being inherited, this is also true in every way for the inheritance of psychic characters.'1 But as a result the belief arose that racial differences are more or less unstable, meaningless phenomena, when set against the 'might of the environment.' It was believed that in the United States a homogeneous division of mankind was gradually growing up from the most heterogeneous species with a like bodily and mental constitution, through the influence of the environment, which brought about a gradual fusion of the most heterogeneous elements. This is the 'melting-pot theory' which the American investigators on race rightly scoff at to-day.
 
Research now shows how careful we must be in pre-supposing influences of the environment; it has been able to explain the variations found in different parts of a country or in different classes of a people by hereditary endowment, and changes in the physical and mental nature of a settled people, undisturbed by immigration from outside, by selection -- by the differences, that is, in the birth-rate in individual districts and social classes (selection by fertility) of a country.
 
Later on we shall have to deal rather more particularly with the phenomena of selection. Here we must say something about the question of race mixture, for on this question like-wise mistaken views are current. One hears it said that in the United States of North America there is gradually coming into being through the mingling of the races a homogeneous people, that will embody a compromise between all the existing racial qualities, a mixed race with characteristics distributed more or less evenly throughout the whole nation. Europe, too, it is said, through racial mixture is gradually becoming homogeneous -- and thus peaceful. All such views, however, on the rise of 'mixed races' are mistaken. A transmissible combination of the characteristics of two or more races can be brought about only on certain defined conditions, conditions which cannot any longer be realized in the national life of to-day. Even after the longest of periods no 'German race' will be born out of the races we see to-day in Germany, though this is sometimes assumed. In Europe, which has been the scene from prehistoric times of the wanderings of peoples of differing races, where a thoroughgoing mingling of the races has always been going on, a compromise between all their characters should long ago have taken place: a medium height, a medium shape of the skull, face, and nose, and medium colouring should all be fairly evenly distributed in every part, and no important mental differences ought any longer to be found as between districts or between individuals. Central Europe, at any rate, should show a uniform, thoroughly homogeneous type of mankind.
 
In the 'sixties of last century the Augustinian abbot Johann Mendel (1822-84) (whose name in religion was Gregor) was carrying on at Brünn investigations on heredity, and was thus led to discover a statistical fundamental law of inheritance. Since then such investigations have in a relatively short time reached an extraordinary pitch of development; and Eugen Fischer, using the Hottentot-European mixed people of the Rehoboth cross-breeds as his material, has been able to show that the laws of heredity already discovered apply to mankind.2 It was found that, when two races are crossed, what results is not a 'mixed race,' but a highly varied pattern of the racial marks: the height of the one race combined in one man with the shape of the head of the other race; the colour of the skin, for example, of the Nordic race combined with the colour of the Alpine eye; the hair texture of a curly-headed dark race combined with the hair colouring of a fair race; while we find, besides, medium shapes and colouring. Then again we have men who seem to belong wholly to one or other of the component races, parents showing a different combination of characteristics from their children, and so forth.
 
The understanding of the processes of heredity is complicated by the fact that the members of any nation are mostly cross-breeds who come not from parents belonging to different races, each being, however, of pure race, but who come from parents who are themselves cross-breeds. A further difficulty for investigations on heredity and race lies in the fact that some characteristics will be 'recessive,' others 'dominant.' It can thus very well happen that in the outward appearance of a man of mixed race almost all the characteristics of one race, and these only, may be visible, while he may also inherit many dispositions of the other race, which dispositions have remained 'recessive.' Thus, for example, brown-eyed parents may have a blue-eyed child, as the light colouring of hair, skin, and of eyes is recessive; but purely blue-eyed parents will never have a brown-eyed child, for light colouring is never found to be dominant. From this it follows that the outward appearance of a man (his phenotype) gives a certain clue, by no means to be despised, to his racial membership, but not a complete proof. To have any understanding of his hereditary portrait (idiotype) we also need to take into consideration his forebears, his brothers and sisters, and his offspring. From the foregoing, we see, too, that in regard to the racial or health 'value' of a man we have to distinguish between his value or worth as an individual, and as a parent; and lastly that men who have the same phenotype -- that is, outward appearance -- may have a different idiotype -- that is, hereditary composite portrait, and vice versâ.
 
It is usually only the phenotype of a living creature that can be influenced by the environment, not the idiotype. (The importance of a poisonous stimulant like alcohol lies in the very fact that alcohol has a harmful effect on the idiotype.) Many of the traits which strike us in a man as marks of his nationality, or of a wider membership, are peculiarities of the phenotype, acquired in and for the individual life, and thus are not hereditary traits impressed on him by the speech, and by the movements and attitudes peculiar to the particular nationality or human group concerned. One sometimes hears the view that some people or other makes up a true-breeding human group through the influence of the environment, or as a special 'mixed race.' This is the same mistake in a higher degree as the confusion of nation or people with race (cp. Chapter One).
 
If two races are crossed, a 'mixed race,' breeding true, will result only under special conditions. 'New races can never be born through crossing alone. Crossing can only give rise to new combinations; and the old characteristics do not disappear through crossing only. The disappearance of the old and the making of something really new can only be brought about by selection. The new combinations, therefore, can be so selected and sifted that all those with certain qualities disappear, while those left show certain new combinations. A new race has now come into being as a result of a mixture; the real factors at work were selection and rejection.'3 The social group which is to keep to the same direction of selection must also be allowed to live for long periods in isolation. It is by a direction of selection continuously maintained in isolation that the rise of races in prehistoric times must be explained; and often human groups, breeding true, that is, races, must have been formed, too, from the mingling of two or more earlier races through selection in a determinate enclosed environment. In the racial mixture of the Jews, too, I am inclined to see another example of selective processes which have produced a considerable degree of uniformity in a group of mixed elements (cp. Chapter Four). Among the European peoples, however, the mingling of races which has been going on since Neolithic times has only had the result of producing that variegated mixture we spoke of above; sometimes, however, leading to cases of so-called catalysis or breaking down, where in a child characteristics from the hereditary endowment of his racially mixed parents meet together again in a determinate racial structure.4

 




 
Footnotes for Chapter V
 
1 W. Peters, Die Vererbung geistiger Eigenschaften und die psychische Konstitution, 1925.

2 Fischer, Die Rehobother Bastards und das Bastardierungsproblem beim Menschen, 1913. The discovery by Boas ('Changes in Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants,' Immigrant Commission, Senate Document, No. 208, 1911) that children from immigrant Jews in America are somewhat longer-headed, those of immigrant Sicilians somewhat shorter-headed, than were their parents, does not tell at all for an influence from the environment, since neither the Jews nor the Sicilians are races, but are racially mixed peoples, in whom the children may well show characteristics differing from their parents. Boas, however, as a result of his investigations, goes no further than to suppose changes in the phenotype, not in the idiotype. 'It might well be that these same persons brought back to their old environment would return to their earlier bodily characteristics' ('New Evidence in regard to the Instability of Human Types,' Proc. Nat. Acad. Sc., ii., 1916). Boas's investigations, however, have had their value strongly questioned; cp. Deniker, Les races et les peuples de la terre, 1926, p. 138.

3 Fischer, in Baur-Fischer-Lenz, Grundriss, i., 1923.
 
4 As all these references to phenomena of heredity must necessarily be only sketchy, owing to the need for brevity, readers are referred to Siemens's excellent book, written 'for the educated of every profession,' Grundzüge der Vererbungslehre, der Rassenhygiene, etc., 1926; and to Fetscher's small book, Grundzüge der Vererbungslehre, 1925. Siemens's book has been translated by L. F. Barker (from an earlier edition) under the title Race Hygiene and Heredity (London and New York, 1924).

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Hans Günther : The Religious Attitudes of the Indo-Europeans (3)


CHAPTER SEVEN


THE greatest ideas of mankind have been conceived in the lands between India and Germania, between Iceland and Benares (where Buddha began to teach) amongst the peoples of Indo-European language; and these ideas have been accompanied by the Indo-European religious attitude which represents the highest attainments of the mature spirit. When in January 1804, in conversation with his colleague, the philologist Riemer, Goethe expressed the view that he found it “remarkable that the whole of Christianity had not brought forth a Sophocles”, his knowledge of comparative religion was restricted by the knowledge of his age, yet he had unerringly chosen as the precursor of an Indo-European religion the poet Sophocles, “typical of the devout Athenian . . . in his highest, most inspired form”,41 a poet who represented the religiosity of the people, before the people (demos) of Athens had degenerated into a mass (ochlos). But where apart from the Indo-Europeans, has the world produced a more devout man with such a great soul as the Athenian, Sophocles? 

Where outside the Indo-European domain have religions arisen, which have combined such greatness of soul with such high flights of reason (logos, ratio) and such wide vision (theoria)? Where have religious men achieved the same spiritual heights as Spitama Zarathustra, as the teachers of the Upanishads, as Homer, as Buddha and even as Lucretius Carus, Wilhelm von Humboldt and Shelley? 

Goethe wished that Homer’s songs might become our Bible. Even before the discovery of the spiritual heights and power of the pre-Christian Teuton, but especially after Lessing, Winckelmann and Heinrich Voss, the translator of Homer, the Indo-European outlook renewed itself in Germany, recalling a world of the spirit which was perfected by great German poets and thinkers during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. 

Since Goethe’s death (1832), and since the death of Wilhelm von Humboldt (1835), the translator of the devout Indo-European Bhagavad Gita, this Indo-European spirit, which also revealed itself in the pre-Christian Teuton, has vanished.
Goethe had a premonition of this decline of the West: even in October 1801 he remarked in conversation with the Countess von Egloffstein, that spiritual emptiness and lack of character were spreading — as if he had foreseen what today characterises the most celebrated literature of the Free West. It may be that Goethe had even foreseen, in the distant future, the coming of an age in which writers would make great profits by the portrayal of sex and crime for the masses. As Goethe said to Eckermann, on 14th March 1830, “the representation of noble bearing and action is beginning to be regarded as boring, and efforts are being made to portray all kinds of infamies”. Previously in a letter to Schiller of 9th August 1797, he had pointed out at least one of the causes of the decline: in the larger cities men lived in a constant frenzy of acquisition and consumption and had therefore become incapable of the very mood from which spiritual life arises. Even then he was tortured and made anxious, although he could observe only the beginnings of the trend, the sight of the machine system gaining the upper hand; he foresaw that it would come and strike (Wilhelm Meisters Wanderjahre, Third Book, Chapter 15, Cotta’s Jubilee edition, Vol. XX, p. 190). In a letter to his old friend Zelter, on 6th June 1825, he pronounced it as his view that the educated world remained rooted in mediocrity, and that a century had begun “for competent heads, for practical men with an easy grasp of things, who . . . felt their superiority above the crowd, even if they themselves are not talented enough for the highest achievements”; pure simplicity was no longer to be found, although there was a sufficiency of simple stuff; young men would be excited too early and then torn away by the vortex of the time. Therefore Goethe exhorted youth in his poem Legacy of the year 1829:
Join yourself to the smallest host!


In increasing degree since approximately the middle of the nineteenth century poets and writers as well as journalists — the descendants of the “competent heads” by whom Goethe was alarmed even in the year 1801 — have made a virtue out of necessity by representing characterlessness as a fact. With Thomas Mann this heartless characterlessness first gained world renown. Mann used his talent to conceal his spiritual desolation by artifices which have been proclaimed by contemporary admirers as insurpassable. But the talent of the writers emulating Thomas Mann no longer sufficed even to conceal their spiritual emptiness, although many of their readers, themselves spiritually impoverished, have not noticed this. 

The freedom of the Press, which was introduced through the constitution of May 1816 into the Duchy of Weimar and which had already been demanded by Wieland with his superficial judgment would, Goethe declared, do nothing more than give free rein to authors with a deep contempt of public opinion (Zahme Xenien, Goethes Sämtliche Werke, Cotta’s Jubilee edition, Vol. IV, p. 47; Annalen (Annals) 1816, same edition, Vol. XXX, p. 298). In the Annalen of 1816, he remarked that every right-thinking man of learning in the world foresaw the direct and incalculable consequences of this act with fright and regret. Thus even in his time, Goethe must have reflected how little the men of the Press, were capable of combining freedom with human dignity. 

When the descendants of the competent heads of the beginning of the nineteenth century rose, through their talents, to the upper classes, where due to a lower birthrate their families finally died out, the eliminating process of social climbing in Europe seized hold of less capable heads and bore them away into the vortex of the time. Their culture has been described most mercilessly by Friedrich Nietzsche in his lectures of the year 1871-72: Concerning the Future of Our Educational Institutions (Pocket edition, Vol. I, 1906, pp. 314, 332-333, 396). Nietzsche above all concentrated on famous contemporary writers, “the hasty and vain production, the despicable manufacturing of books, the perfected lack of style, the shapelessness and characterlessness or the lamentable dilution of their expressions, the loss of every aesthetic canon, the lust for anarchy and chaos” — which he described as if he had actually seen the most celebrated literature of the Free West, whose known authors no longer mastered their own languages even to the extent still demanded by popular school teachers around 1900. These vociferous heralds of the need for culture in an era of general education were rejected by Nietzsche who in this displayed true Indo-European views — as fanatical opponents of the true culture, which holds firm to the aristocratic nature of the spirit. If Nietzsche described the task of the West as to find the culture appropriate to Beethoven, then the serious observer today will recognise only too well the situation which Nietzsche foresaw and described as a laughing stock and a thing of shame. 

In the year 1797, Friedrich Schiller composed a poem: Deutsche Grösse. Full of confidence in the German spirit he expressed the view that defeat in war by stronger foes could not touch German dignity which was a great moral force. The precious possession of the German language would also be preserved. Schiller (Das Siegesfest) certainly knew what peoples had to expect of war:
For Patrocles lies buried
and Thersites comes back;

but he must have imagined that the losses of the best in the fight could be replaced. The dying out of families of dignity and moral stature (megalopsychia and magnanimitas), had then not yet begun in Europe. 

In the year 1929, just a decade after the First World War had ended, that Peloponnesian war of the Teutonic peoples, which caused both in England and in Germany excessively heavy losses of gifted young men, of officers and aristocrats, Oskar Walzel (Die Geistesströmungen des 19. Jahrhunderts, 1929, p. 43), Professor of German literature at the university of Bonn, gave it as his opinion that after this war the trend to de-spiritualise Germany had gained ground far more rapidly than hitherto: “Is there in German history in general such an identical want of depth in men to be observed as at present?” But for the Germans it is poor consolation that this “de-spiritualising” is just as marked in other Western countries. Another sign of this trend is that today many famous writers are no longer capable of preserving the precious possession of the German language. Other Western languages are also neglecting their form and literature, but this again is poor consolation for the Germans. Such neglect is considered by many writers today as characteristic of, and part of the process of gaining their freedom and liberation from all traditional outlooks. Goethe criticised this as a false idea of freedom (Maxims and Reflections, Goethes Sämtliche Werke, Cottas Jubiläumsausgabe, Vol. IV, p. 229) in the following words:
“Everything which liberates our spirit, without increasing our mastery of ourselves, is pernicious.”

Thus, by freedom Goethe also understood the dignity of the freeborn, not the nature and mode of life of the freed slave. 

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CHAPTER EIGHT

QUINTUS Horatius Flaccus (Carmina, III, 25, 27) has described the task of all art, especially of poetry, as being to create “nothing small and in a low manner” (nil parvum aut humili modo). Yet the most popular literature of the free West, and the culture of mass media, today emphasises the unimportant sexual experiences of unbridled men, often in a degrading and unclean manner, and this is described by many newspaper critics as “art”. The churches also patronise such forms of art for the masses and attempt to secure the attendance of youth by offering religious Jazz and Negro rhythms. The best examples of pure sexual experience, as accomplished in the nil parvum aut humili modo of Horace, may be found in the truly Indo-European Homer. According to C. F. von Nägelsbach (Homerische Theologie, third edition, edited by G. Authenrieth, 1884, p. 229) Homer always represented sensuality without lust and without prudery and never enticingly and seductively or with sensual excitement in mind; he was one of the most innocent poets of all ages and even in describing sexual scenes, he never used a word which exceeded artistic requirements. This is yet another example of how the Indo-European linked freedom with dignity. 

In Europe and North America, individuals who were still capable of their own religiosity — of which the Commonplace Book of Thomas Jefferson, the distinguished third President of the United States of America, is an example — have been replaced by masses who by religiosity only understand an appendage to a confession useful for personal advancement. There is no possible hope, under these circumstances, that the great spiritual and religious heights which were reached by the Indo-Europeans living between Europe and India at various times from the Bronze Age up to the nineteenth century will ever be matched again. For a world culture such as progressives seek to construct, an elevation of the spirit above and beyond the entertainment needs of the masses — above Jazz and Negro rhythm — is no longer to be hoped for, since what Europeans and North Americans have to offer today to the “undeveloped” peoples (who, however, should have been able to utilise the 10,000 to 20,000 years which have passed since the end of the Old Stone Age for their own development), is nothing more than the spiritually vacuous “culture” of a welfare state governed by a hundred soulless authorities. In such societies the Press, literature, radio, television and films and other media provide the masses with a controlled “tensioning” and “de-tensioning” by alternately playing up this or that belief or unbelief. With the further extinction of families capable of spiritual independence, and the further disappearance of talents,42 particularly amongst the peoples of North America and Europe capable of spiritual leadership, no alternative to the disappearance of the last remaining elements of the Indo-European peoples and their culture can be expected. 

Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826), one of the founders of the free state of Virginia, author of the Declaration of Independence (1776), Governor of Virginia, ambassador in Paris, Foreign Minister under George Washington, and from 1801 to 1809 President of the United States, sought to see his people as a nation of Teutonic yeomen and distrusted trade and the upcoming industry of the cities, which he regarded as foes of freedom. Jefferson sought to protect the freedom and dignity of the individual man from the state, to which he therefore wished to allow only a minimum of power. To preserve this farmer aristocracy enjoying Indo-European freedom43 he sought to avoid a centralised state in favour of a loose federation or association of the former English colonies. But after the agricultural era, the urbanisation and industrialisation of the industrial era brought into being the city masses whose need for security became greater than their real or pretended urge to freedom. Security against (in the Indo-European sense) destiny — cowardly security against all difficult situations of life — can only be achieved in a state based upon bureaucracy, a state which is therefore, of necessity, inhuman. The excessive number of patronising departments and repressive laws, as well as the large number of officials in dependent positions, gradually stifles the freedom of any individuals still capable of a dignified and courageous conduct of life. (Tacitus: Annals, XXXVII: corruptissima in re publica plurimae leges.) 

In the winter of 1791-92, Wilhelm von Humboldt, the friend of Schiller, and like Schiller one of the last great Indo-Europeans, wrote a book: Ideen zu einem Versuch, die Grenzen der Wirksamkeit des Staates zu bestimmen (An attempt to determine the limits of the effectiveness of the State). In this work he sought to safeguard the humanitas and dignitas, the dignity of man, from patronisation by governmental welfare states. Yet with the twentieth century, more and more countries, including the once so free English, and now in their wake, North America, have become “socialised”, bureaucratic welfare states, whose masses, encumbered by thousands of officials and organisations, have begun to forget freedom and dignity through the de-tensioning offered them. With the loss of freedom and dignity in political and social life, how is the preservation of traditional spiritual values possible? 

One of the first to recognise that the era of the free individual, capable of self-determination, was coming to an end, and that with the displacement of this free, self-reliant man, human dignity would vanish from public life, was the Norman Count Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859), the friend of Count Arthur Gobineau (1816-1882). His work L’Ancien Régime et la Révolution (7th edition, 1866) and the Souvenirs de Alexis de Tocqueville (1893), which were not published until thirty-four years after the death of the author, were only heeded in Germany when it was too late to save the freedom of the individual; de Tocqueville studied the nature of the democracies as displayed in their land of origin, in North America, and afterwards wrote his work De la Démocratie en Amérique (1835), a warm-hearted and richly informative description of the North American free state, in which he also warned of the dangers facing democracies which fell under the domination of the spirit of the masses. He feared that the rise of an era of the masses, with state capitalism and state-controlled enterprise, would pervert the democracies into repressing the freedom of the individual man of dignity — to him the highest human good — so that democracy would lead to a suppression of freedom in the Indo-European sense, the freedom still demanded by Jefferson and by Wilhelm von Humboldt. 

The last men who — without investigating its origins — defended Indo-European freedom, namely the democracy of the free and mutually-equal land-owning family fathers, were the English philosophers John Stuart Mill (Michael St. John Packe: The Life of John Stuart Mill, 1954, pp. 488 et seq.) and Herbert Spencer. J. S. Mill wrote a book On Liberty in 1859. With almost incomprehensible far-sightedness Mill recognised the threat to the dignity and freedom of independent and self-reliant individual thinking men which was embodied in the “freedom” of the masses gathering in the cities. Mill feared the tyranny of the majorities in the popular assemblies, the repression of those capable of judgment by the mass of alternating public opinions. He feared the Chinese ideal of the sameness of all men and saw — like Goethe in his tragedy Die natürliche Tochter (I, 5) — that all contemporary political trends were aiming to reshape the era by raising the depths, and debasing the heights. When men had been made “equal” by law, every deviation from this uniformity would be condemned as wicked, immoral, monstrous and unnatural (John Stuart Mill: Die Freiheit, 1859, translated into German by Elsa Wentscher, Philosophische Bibliothek, Vol. CCII, 1928, pp. 7, 100 et seq.). Hence in the year 1859, when England was still free, that very conformity was already predicted against which even the newspaper writers and literateurs of unhindered mass circulation today complain. 

To John Stuart Mill the freedom of the individual was the highest good. He started with the viewpoint of Adam Smith and David Ricardo and inclined to socialism, but feared that the abuse of freedom by parties and majorities would lead to the rule of the masses, to the end of competition and to the abolition of individual possessions, which would favour the stupid and lazy, but rob the clever and industrious. For this reason Mill also advocated Malthusianism and family planning, because families with many children whom they were economically incapable of supporting would endanger the state. 

Herbert Spencer found the highest degree of freedom within the state in England in the middle nineteenth century, the highest degree of freedom for men of independent judgment and independent conscience. But when he wrote his Principles of Sociology in 1896, he recognized that this freedom was already threatened by socialism. Socialism he said, would appear in every industrial society and would repress every freedom; socialism itself would become only another form of subjection, simply another form of the bureaucratic regime, and thus it would become the greatest misfortune that the world had ever experienced; no one might ever again do what he pleased, each would have to do what he was ordered to do. A total and absolute loss of freedom would result. Herbert Spencer might have added that only a minority of men capable of independent thought would regret the loss of freedom in a bureaucratic, patronising state, while the solid majority (Ibsen: An Enemy of the People) would prefer state care to freedom, being unable to understand the freedom of Jefferson or Wilhelm von Humboldt, or Mill or Spencer (Herbert Spencer: Principles of Sociology, Vol. III, 1897, pp. 585, 595).

In two contributions to his Essays (Essays: Scientific, Political and Speculative, Vol. II, 1883, pp. 48, 56, 66, 94, 100, 104; Vol. III, 1878, pp. 181, 186) Herbert Spencer the Liberal summarised how socialism — when it finally penetrated all parties — would repress the freedom of the individual to voice independent judgment; through a flood of laws there would arise, supported by the blind faith of the socialist masses in enactments, and in government machinery, a stupid and ponderous bureaucratic state; the state would discourage its citizens from helping themselves, and no one would be permitted to withdraw from the national institutions, as they may from private ones, when they broke down or became too costly; the blind belief in officialdom, above all in the Fascist and National Socialist form, has given rise, as Spencer feared, to a blind faith in government, to a political fetichism. But wherever socialist governments have been able to rule uncontested for decades, officialdom, state control and state fetichism have set in, and with them a further repression of the freedom of the individual, of that Indo-European and above all Teutonic freedom emanating from the spirit of the land-owning family heads, equal among one another, with which Spencer and the liberals of his day were concerned — even though they did not realise that the roots of this freedom were historically Indo-European. 

One may describe the Teutons as born democrats, if by democracy one understands the self-conscious freedom and equality of rural yeomen. Democracy of this kind will always follow the command, found in the Edda (Grogaldr, VI, Der Zaubergesang der Groa, Edda, Vol. II, 1920, p. 178): “Lead thyself!” This freedom, a dignified freedom found only in the man capable of self-determination, was maintained in Iceland, whence Norwegian freeholders removed themselves to avoid forcible conversion to Christianity at the hands of the newly-converted Norwegian kings, with such resolution, that the present day observer must doubt whether the Icelandic free state could in general be called a state. 

Likewise Eduard Meyer (Geschichte des Altertums, Vol. I, 2, 1909, p. 777) has alluded to the individualism and self-determination which characterises the Indo-Europeans, to the individuality of the self-determining man, hostile to every kind of leadership, even to the extent of frequently proving a danger to his own nation or state. Bismarck himself bore witness to this individuality when he said that he was less concerned with giving commands than with punishing disobedience. Such an outlook is expressed in the motto, valid earlier in Germany, Selbst ist der Mann — Rely on yourself — and this outlook refuses charity from every other, even from the state. It corresponds to a truly Indo-European remark of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (Observations, III, 5): “You shall stand upright, and not be supported by others!” In the Agamemnon (755) of Aeschylus, the king of the Hellenic army, first among equals, expresses the view that he has his own convictions, apart from those of his people. With Sophocles (Aias, 481) the Chorus confirms to Aias, who has freely chosen death, that he never spoke a word which did not proceed directly from his own nature. 

But such attitudes have tended to disappear lately amongst Indo-European speaking peoples — corresponding to the disappearance of men capable of independent thought and opinion, the truly free-born. Recently, through an accumulation of men incapable of independent thought, city masses have come into existence which wish to be led: it is no longer “lead yourself — yourself!” but “Leader, command and we will follow!” In such periods true Indo-European freedom vanishes. Marcus Tullius Cicero (de officio, I, 112-113), imbued with the traditional freedom of an aristocratic republic and acquainted through Panaetius with the Hellenic thinkers’ doctrines of freedom, still risked praising Julius Caesar’s dead opponent Cato Uticensis, during the former’s dictatorship. After the battle of Thapsos, many Romans accepted the sole rule of a conquering leader of the city masses (consisting predominantly of freedmen), the dictator perpetuus, Julius Caesar. Not, however, Cato Uticensis, one of the last freeborn men of the aristocratic Roman republic: Cato’s love of freedom taught him to choose death rather than live under tyranny. 

The historical work of Tacitus, which has already been mentioned above, reveals that Indo-European freedom (libertas) is only possible in a society of individuals capable of independent judgment, who rely on their own resources and who do not need to be supported. Herbert Spencer had already seen, towards the end of the nineteenth century, that such freedom would no longer be practicable in industrial societies. 

Indo-European spiritual freedom and human dignity have been represented with the utmost beauty by the classical art of the Hellenes and this spirit speaks with irrepressible vigour and clarity from the sculptures which represent Hellenic thinkers and poets (K. Schefeld: Die Bildnisse der antiken Dichter, Redner und Denker, 1943) — sculptures which could not have been created had not the artists themselves been conscious of this freedom and dignity. A great part of the present day, highly-praised “art of the free West”, expresses in word and image a disgust which is perhaps pardonable — with the genus Man, often even a disgust with the “artist” himself, and it is obvious that as such, it no longer belongs to the spirit of the West, first expressed to perfection by the Hellenes. The present day West, insofar as it is represented by “famous artists”, is no longer capable of grasping the totality of the world phenomenon or of the human picture. It is content to produce distorted fragments which are then regarded with astonishment by the Press as assertions about “essentials”. Writers, painters, sculptors and designers depict — after their own image creatures which fall far short of the nobility of man, ranking culturally with lemurs — “semi-natures” pieced together from ligaments, sinews and bones (Goethe: Faust, II, Act 5, Great Courtyard of Palace), “semi-natures” whose microcephaly or even headlessness, seem to symbolise the rejection of reason, logos, ratio by the “artists” of the present era. As for present day lyrics, Hugo Friedrich (Die Struktur der modernen Lyrik, 1961) has made a most penetrating anaylsis of them from Baudelaire to the present day and delineates a downward trend in lyricism which reflects the decline of the West, even though he does not attempt to evaluate the artistic level of modern lyricism or discuss the question whether it may in fact still be regarded as Western. 

The decline of human dignity and freedom through socialism, which would demand as much state power as possible was also feared by Friedrich Nietzsche, who, like Jefferson and Wilhelm von Humboldt, recommended as little of the State as possible, and finally called the state the coldest of all cold monsters (Also sprach Zarathustra: Von neuen Götzen). Today such an opinion would incur disciplinary action against its author — not only in eastern European states. Socialism, according to Nietzsche (Taschenausgabe, Bd. III, pp. 350-351), coveted “a fullness of state power such as only despotism had enjoyed indeed it surpassed all the past because it strove for the formal annihilation of the individual.” From a World State or a World Republic, which today is regarded by “progressive” believers as the desired goal of humanity, Nietzsche expected nothing other than the final disappearance of all remnants of freedom and human dignity: “Once the earth is brought under all-embracing economic control, then mankind will find it has been reduced to machinery in its service, as a monstrous clockwork system of ever smaller, more finely adjusted wheels.” (Nietzsches gesammelte Werke, Musarionausgabe, Bd. XIX, 1962, p. 266; cf. also Charles Andler: Nietzsche, Sa Vie et sa Pensée, Vol. III, 1958, pp. 201 et seq.). 

The decline of freedom and human dignity under socialism was also foretold by Gustave Le Bon in his books Psychologie des Foules (1895) and Les Lois psychologiques de l’évolution des Peuples (1894). Le Bon was afraid that the masses would readily accept every subjection under strong-willed leaders, and dissolve the age-old cultures of Europe, and that in their delusion that freedom and equality could be achieved by ever-increasing legislation, they would legally whittle it away, especially as they regarded freedom as an external lack of restraint. From Caesarism, the despotism of leaders, the masses expected not so much freedom, which they were not really striving after, as equal subjection for all. The Socialism of our time (1895) would have the effect of state absolutism, especially as the socialism of the masses would appear as a new religion and would compel uniformity. Later the state would become almighty God. The race soul of the peoples represents their cultural condition; the mass soul of the population represents a condition of barbarism and of decline. 

Theobald Ziegler, Professor of Philosophy at the University of Strasburg, stated in his work Die Soziale Frage (1891), a study of the socialist ideas of his time, that the equal subjection of everyone under state patronage, was a predominantly German tendency. Ernst Troeltsch, Professor of Philosophy at the University of Berlin (Das 19. Jahrhundert, Gesammelte Schriften, Vol. IV, p. 640), wrote in 1925, that “the pressure of universal state power weighed ever-increasingly on the people”. This was and is without doubt also true for those peoples who live in democracies, for, as Eduard Schwartz, the historian (Charakterköpfe der Antike, 1943), has stated, the civic courage of personal opinion, the courage of independent judgment, was neither a self-evident nor a superfluous virtue in democracies. The freedom of independently thinking men becomes more and more restricted in the era of the legally “liberated” masses, departmental orders and public opinion. 

Into what lack of dignity and lack of freedom, into what abysses of official, spiritual and moral life, Socialist governments can lead a once noble and free people, is illustrated by the outstanding example of modern Sweden. Witness of this is the Swedish socialist Tage Lindbom, director of the Stockholm Archives for the History of the Working Class Movement, a most competent expert in his book Sancho Panzas Väderkvarnar (1963). 

The abuse of the freedom of rural communities by hybrid city masses was responsible for decay in Hellas as well as in Rome. For Plato (Theaitetos, 172-173), freedom was the dignified independence of the noble man. In his work The State (Politeia, VIII, 550, 557-558, 562-564), he criticised freedom as a slogan for city masses; an excess of such freedom would hand over the state as well as the individual to an excess of slavery. To a man of dignified freedom the guiding factor is merely truth (Plato: Theaitetos, 172-173), which is always simple; to the unworthy man, the guiding factor in freedom is gossip, slyness, flattery and persuasion by means of confused and false proofs. 

In this way freedom vanished towards the end of the aristocratic Roman republic, with the extinction of the freeborn (ingenui); under the Emperors the freedom of the freedman (liberti), which was nothing less than self-restraint, started in the capital and spread to all the cities of the Empire, a freedom from which the last freeborn Romans could only withdraw, exchanging their earlier tradition of participating in state life for one of isolation. The wiseman — Cicero once wrote (de legibus, I, 61) — holds that what the masses praise so highly is worth nothing. Horace (Carmina, I, 1; 2, 16, 39, 40), who had experienced the transition from the aristocratic republic into the Caesarism of the Emperors, favouring the masses, spoke of an evil-willed crowd (malignum volgus). The behaviour of the freedmen in flattering the Emperors has been described with contempt by Petronius, who originated from a family of the nobilitas, the official nobility, in his Cena Trimalchionis. In this satire one of the last freeborn Romans expresses his disgust, with the superior calm of a man who looks towards decline without hope. In the year 66, Petronius, hitherto popular at his court, was condemned to death by Nero.
The literature of the “free West” celebrated and praised by the reviewers and critics of today’s newspapers, would probably be regarded by Petronius as a literature of freedmen for freedmen. In particular it is just those authors who are most praised today who promote with boring repetition nothing less than the further decomposition of the spiritual and moral values of the Indo-European. The newspaper writers praise the “freedom” of these “artists” in contrast with the “aesthetic backwardness” of isolated doubters. To be regarded as aesthetically backward is also the admonition of Horace: “Nothing small and nothing in a low manner!” 

After the ending of colonial rule it must be feared that the populations of wide regions of the earth will behave as freedmen, all the more so as colonial rule has destroyed what remains of the ancient ethical and social orders of these populations; in other words, they will imitate large sections of the youth of “cultured peoples”. 

After every constitutional alteration and every upheaval since the middle of the nineteenth century, the peoples of the west have lost more of the freedom of the individual originally peculiar to their nature, and have had to bear instead more subjection, more of “the insolence of office” (Shakespeare: Hamlet, III, 1). Since this process took place gradually, the loss of the freedom which was inherent in the spirit of Indo-European yeomen, the loss of that freedom which although weakened and distorted, was still effective in the political liberalism of the nineteenth century, has proceeded unnoticed, while calculating opportunists have readily learned how to exploit officialdom or have themselves obtained high appointment in government offices. As a result there has been a gradual but powerful growth of authoritarianism in both the state and political parties, and in the influence, exercised either openly or in secret of moneyed people behind them. 

The poet Paul Ernst (1866-1937), in his enthralling Jugenderinnerungen (completed in 1929 and published in 1959), has described the transition of his homeland from a land of rural craftsmen to an industrial state accompanied by fearful losses in uprightness, solidarity and mutual regard and confidence between men — a transition bringing with it an increasing loss of freedom in which the younger men became more or less willingly entangled. The father of the poet was obliged even at the age of nine, to work in a mine in the Harz mountains as a “Pochjunge” with a weekly wage of 60 pfennigs. When twenty-two years old, he earned 2.40 marks per week; and from 1856, when he was in his twenty-third year, one Taler. The poet, his son, succumbed just as little as did his father to the blandishments of Marxism which appeared in his time; rather, he gave a warning of the universal subjection to which socialist states would be reduced as had John Stuart Mill and Herbert Spencer. The poet saw in Marxism a “path leading to a more terrible slavery than the world had ever known” (pp. 289-290). He expressed the view that today a man who wishes to avoid the embraces of such slavery, must so adapt his life that he must place himself as far as possible beyond contemporary society, and must remain completely isolated from contemporary influences. 

The solitude of the individual was rejected in Germany by mass-minded (Ochlocratic) National Socialism in favour of a Folk community of urban masses, which also revealed the end of the Indo-European era in Germany. But the person with understanding will realise, like Herbert Spencer, that the loss of the freedom of the individual is unavoidable in all industrial societies. 

It is unfortunately true that amongst the peoples of the west, the number of men who prefer freedom to a high standard of living has become very small, and that men who are naturally freeborn (eleutheros, ingenuus) and Paul Ernst was one, suffer from increasing patronisation. In his Jugenderinnerungen (Memories of Youth, p. 312) Paul Ernst wrote that his father had always been a free man despite his poverty, and his mother a dignified woman, as befitted the wife of such a man.
There is a great need for men of the calibre of Paul Ernst, of the kind of human breed whose dying out is being hastened today, if the loss of freedom is to be noticed at all. Walter Muschg, Professor of Basle University, in an address on the occasion of the Schiller celebrations, entitled Schiller: The Tragedy of Freedom (1959), emphasised that freedom had “not only vanished under dictatorships, but also in the so-called free countries. Everywhere new power factors had formed which controlled the existence of men and had produced invisible forms of slavery, before which our liberal forefathers would have shuddered. . . . We are surrounded by Gessler hats, at which no one takes aim. Present day man no longer knows what freedom is and furthermore he no longer desires it. He wishes for comfort, for an effortless enjoyment of life at the price of bureaucratic control for which he willingly pays. The will to freedom has been succeeded by the longing for domination, for release from self determination. From this longing . . . arise both open and veiled forms of dictatorship.” 

M. T. Vaerting, who went to North America, a land of apparent freedom, when the National Socialist state in Germany became more and more totalitarian to the extent, finally of mistrusting even the private sphere of individuals who were incapable of mass existence — eventually came to the conclusion, which she expounded in two books,44 that gradually all states in Europe and North America were following the example of Soviet Russia, and that they were on the road to the totalitarian mass state which can lead one way only, to a super state under which freedom and human dignity are oppressed. 

Thus she sees everywhere an increase in the power of the state which will bring about the decline of man. Such a decline effected through the increasing control of man by the State, will not be felt by the masses, who demand security, but will be completed through the further extinction of freeborn families, exactly as described and predicted by Walther Rathenau45 in The Tragedy of the Aryan People, which Rathenau saw as the greatest tragedy of the whole of human history. However, this expiring race was, and is still, the race of Heraclitus and Sophocles, of Titus Lucretius Carus, of that same Cato Uticensis, who preferred death to life under the dictator perpetuus Julius Caesar; it was and is still the breed of Giordano Bruno, Thomas Jefferson and Wilhelm von Humboldt, a breed which through its inherited qualities is still capable of a brave, undaunted struggle for dignity and freedom. Selbst ist der Mann: Rely on yourself! 

Socrates once walked round the market in Athens, looking at the quantity of goods on display, the luxury articles indicative of the high standard of living of the Athenians — who were otherwise spiritually impoverished — and he turned to his friends and said: “How many things there are, which I can do without!” 

The products of the mass media of our age, which will soon be brought within reach of the remotest peoples on earth, at the cost of distorting and replacing their native cultures by the spiritually-destructive technology known as “world culture” will be renounced by the last true Indo-Europeans in just the same way as Socrates renounced the wares displayed for sale in the market place at Athens.

But to Indo-European man himself, the historic creator of cultures from Benares to Reykjavik, we may truly apply the words of Hamlet:
“We shall not look upon his like again!”


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cf. also Erik Therman, Eddan och dess Ödestragik, 1938.
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L. F. CLAUSS
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JOSEF STRZYGOWSKI
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40. MAX SCHNEIDEWIN
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41. WILHELM NESTLE
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45. HARRY GRAF KESSLER
Walther Rathenau, 1928, p. 43.

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