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Tuesday, May 15, 2012

UKRAINE - Holodomor 1932-33 - GARETH JONES


Gareth Jones

      
 
Gareth Jones left Cambridge University in 1929, having gained a First-Class Honours in French, Russian and German to join Mr. David Lloyd George, former Prime Minister to Great Britain (1916-1922). He commenced his new employment as a Foreign Affairs Advisor on January 1st, 1930.
From 1930 to 1933, Gareth visited the Soviet Union on three occasions and after each, he wrote articles for a number of newspapers regarding conditions he observed resulting from Stalin's Five-Year Plan.
On the first occasion in 1930, Gareth reported back to Lloyd George at his country retreat in Churt, Surrey . There he met Lord Lothian, a former wartime secretary to Lloyd George (and later the British Ambassador to the U.S. ), who recommended that Gareth should publish his articles in The Times.
His second independent visit to ' Russia ' in 1931 (as the USSR was widely known at the time in the West) occurred after being head-hunted for his Soviet expertise by the leading American public relations expert, Dr Ivy Lee. It was at Lee's request that Gareth accompanied a young Jack Heinz II (heir to the food manufacturing empire) to Russia and Ukraine , whereby sleeping on the 'bug-infested floors' of Soviet peasantry, they personally experienced the onset of starvation in Ukraine . Heinz took Gareth's copious diary notes and in early 1932 anonymously published (though containing a foreword under Gareth's name) a damning appraisal of 'starving' peasant life in the USSR . Due to the Great Depression, Gareth's one year contract with Lee was terminated and he returned from New York in mid-1932 to rejoin David Lloyd George's employ.
In October 1932, there were increasing rumours within informed London circles and other circumstantial evidence which Gareth had gleamed from recently acquired copies of Izvestia of an on-going famine. As a result he wrote two newspaper articles in a series entitled "Will there be soup?" to highlight the forthcoming winter crisis, before arranging his affairs so as to observe it for himself at his earliest opportunity in the following March..
Early in 1933, Gareth made an extensive tour of Europe . In February one month after Adolf Hitler had been made Chancellor of Germany (and just 3 days before the burning of the Reichstag), Gareth was afforded the 'privilege' to become the first foreign journalist to fly with the newly elected dictator to a rally in Frankfurt-am-Main.
The following month in early March 1933, after an 'off-limits' walking tour of the Soviet Ukraine, Gareth, a young man of just 27 years, exposed to the world the terrible famine-genocide that had befallen the Soviet Union and gave reasons for this tragic state of events. It was in the same week that Malcolm Muggeridge had three unsigned famine articles in the Manchester Guardian published, though at the time, due to the more reported Jewish problems in Germany , they went almost unnoticed. Gareth's story however, broke world-wide with much credence (by virtue of his position with Lloyd George) from a Berlin press interview on the 29th March 1933, and was published in the USA as 'exclusives' on the same day by Pulitzer prize winners; H. R Knickerbocker (1931) and Edgar Adsel Mowrer (1933)..
Even though Gareth revealed the truth, he was publicly denounced as a liar by several Moscow resident Western journalists, including The New York Times' and incumbent 1932 Pulitzer Prize Winner, Walter Duranty. In 1937, Eugene Lyons, a Moscow based correspondent, who repudiated Gareth four years earlier, was apologetic for his actions in his book Assignment in Utopia:
"Throwing down Jones was as unpleasant a chore as fell to any of us in years of juggling facts to please dictatorial regimes—but throw him down we did, unanimously and in almost identical formulas of equivocation. Poor Gareth Jones must have been the most surprised human being alive when the facts he so painstakingly garnered from our mouths were snowed under by our denials."
Undaunted, in a published letter to the New York Times, Gareth reasserted his observations of famine and also stingingly rebutted Duranty describing Moscow-based foreign correspondents as being "masters of euphemism".
This was to be Gareth's final visit to the USSR , no doubt personally countenanced by the Soviet Foreign Minister, Maxim Litvinov, with whom he had a private audience just before leaving Moscow . It is now known that Gareth's diary notes of the meeting note the single word "prevarication" to simply comment upon Litvinov's flat denial of a famine actually raging in the villages.
The consequences of Gareth's unilateral actions, were evinced in 1934, in a letter to a friend of his where Gareth wrote:
“Alas! You will be very amused to hear that the inoffensive little 'Joneski' has achieved the dignity of being a marked man on the black list of the O.G.P.U. and is barred from entering the Soviet Union . I hear that there is a long list of crimes which I have committed under my name in the secret police file in Moscow and funnily enough espionage is said to be among them… As a matter of fact Litvinoff sent a special cable from Moscow to the Soviet Embassy in London to tell them to make the strongest of complaints to Mr. Lloyd George about me.”
Following a forced year in the political reporting wilderness; having been virtually ostracised by all his former political and newspaper contacts within the British 'Establishment', including his former employer Lloyd George, Gareth found a job as a local reporter for the Cardiff Western Mail, covering stories about rural Welsh arts & crafts.
Fortune often favours the brave and in June 1934 during the course of his local Welsh reporting, Gareth interviewed Randolph Hearst, the world's leading press baron, who happened to own a castle outside Cardiff called St. Donat's, which he used as his British base. Hearst was in the process of removing his support for the Bolsheviks in his fears that F.D. Roosevelt's 'New Deal' was too left wing and knowing of Gareth's previous Soviet reporting, wanted to meet him again so as to spearhead Hearst's then forthcoming anti-Red campaign of 1935.
In December 1934, Gareth travelled across the USA and delivered a key note speech at The Institute of World Affairs in which it would not have gone unnoticed in Moscow that he he accused them of; ‘ The exile of five million Kulaks was one of the most brutal crimes in European history.' On the New Years Day, 1935, Gareth met Randolph Hearst for lunch on the terraces of his palatial estate of St. Simeon in California, Gareth was personally commissioned to repeat his 1933 famine observations in three very heart-rending and most vitriolic anti-Stalin articles for the Hearst stable of US papers - in which he also correctly recognised that Kirov's recent murder in the USSR was probably committed by Communists themselves and as a result, a new wave of Stalinist terror ensued, now known as the beginning of the Stalinist Purges.
Instead of again trying to publicly deride Gareth's articles, a month later, and conveniently for the Soviets, whether by accident or more probably by design, Hearst was 'furnished' with a series of fraudulent articles and bogus famine photo claiming an on-going Ukrainian famine in 1934, by one 'Thomas Walker,' a then unknown, convicted-conman who had absconded from Colorado prison. Walker, whose real name was Robert Green, was easily exposed as a complete charlatan by Louis Fischer (armed with evidence that Green had only spent 5 days in the USSR in 1934, and therefore could not visited Ukraine - information readily supplied to him by the Soviet authorities). Without ever-mentioning Gareth's name, Fischer was thus able to destroy the credibility of all of Hearst's reporting of any Soviet famine.
Gareth would have been completely unaware of Fischer's 13th March 1935 letter (entitled 'Hearst's Russian 'Famine'') in the US weekly, The Nation exposing Thomas Walker's fake reporting, otherwise one would have expected him to contribute to the debate in the US, especially as he had spearheaded Hearst's first series of anti-Soviet articles in 1935 . The precise timing of Fischer's article coincided with the exact start of a period when Gareth became effectively incommunicado whilst 'back-packing' around South East Asia in Search of News. Prior to this journey and whilst residing in Japan , Gareth had been provided with free accommodation by a fellow journalist Günter Stein, who himself had just arrived in Tokyo from London . However, unbeknown to Gareth, Stein was actually an alleged Soviet spy, loosely but not exclusively associated with the famous Richard Sorge spy ring. One might perhaps wonder whether Stein not only reported Gareth's immediate itinerary to his spy masters in Moscow, but if it possibly resulted in the 'go-ahead' for Fischer's 4th March dated letter to be 'safely 'published (just two days after Gareth left Stein's apartment on 11th March)?
What is not up for conjecture is that Gareth's Far Eastern movements were being closely monitored by the Soviets. Within five months, he had been kidnapped by 'Japanese-controlled' Chinese bandits and two weeks afterwards was suspiciously murdered in Inner Mongolia . His last mode of transport and from which he was kidnapped was 'kindly' provided gratis by a German company called Wostwag - now known to have been a trading front of the OGPU / NKVD... [He was kidnapped along with the German journalist, Dr. Herbert Mueller, who had invited him on the trip to Inner Mongolia . Mueller was 'unusually' released, unharmed after two days in captivity - British Intelligence records at the Public Records Office now reveal that they had a secret dossier on Mueller for 34 years citing him as; a known Communist, a representative of the Third International (Comintern) in China, at one time lived in the Soviet Consulate in Hankow, under the alias of 'Gordon' and also ran a covert Soviet courier business within China.]
With his murder under mysterious circumstances, Gareth Jones had effectively been silenced; the only reliable indepenent witness to arguably Stalin's greatest atrocity had been convenient;y liquidated and both the Holodomor and Gareth's truthful reporting were effectvely airbrushed out of history for more than half a century. [Though one man however did not forget Gareth, and this man was George Orwell, who clearly alluded to Gareth in his own famine chapter in 'Animal Farm']
In November 2009, Gareth's old alma mater of Trinity College Cambridge eventually recognised the true historical importance of Gareth's journalist diary notes of his observation of famine conditions in Ukraine in 1933, when they prestigiously exhibited his pocket diaries at the Wren Library and side-by-side with fellow alumni, Sir Isaac Newton's personally annotated copy of his fundamental 'laws of motion' masterpiece, 'Principia'. 180 newspapers worldwide covered the story (bar the New York Times!), finally vindicating that Gareth's pen was indeed mightier than the Soviet sword...

Famine Exposure Newspaper Articles


Evening Post Foreign Service New York 1933

Famine grips Russia Millions Dying. Idle on Rise, Says Briton

Gareth Jones, Lloyd George Aid, Reports Devastation

TOURS FARM AREAS, FINDS FOOD GONE

  Asserts Reds Arrest British to Check Public Wrath-Peasants. “Wait for Death”




knickerbocker1.jpg (130548 bytes) knickbandw2.jpg (31917 bytes)
BERLIN, March. 29th , - Russia today is in the grip of a famine which is proving as disastrous as the catastrophe of 1921 when millions died, reported Gareth Jones, Foreign Affairs secretary to former Prime Minister David Lloyd George of Great Britain, who arrived in Berlin this morning en route to London after a long walking tour through the Ukraine and other districts in the Soviet Union.
  Mr. Jones, who speaks Russian fluently, is the first foreigner to visit the Russian countryside since the Moscow authorities forbade foreign correspondents to leave the city.  His report, which he will deliver to the Royal Institute of International Affairs tomorrow, explains the reason for this prohibition.  Famine on a colossal scale, impending death of millions From hunger, murderous terror and the beginnings of serious unemployment in a land that had hitherto prided itself on the fact that every man had a job - this is the summary of Mr. Jones’s first-hand observations.
 He told the EVENING POST: “The arrest of the British engineers in Moscow is a symbol of panic in consequence of conditions worse than in 1921.  Millions are dying of hunger.  The trial, beginning Saturday, of the British engineers is merely a pendant to the recent shooting of thirty-five prominent workers in agriculture, including the Vice-Commissar of the Ministry of Agriculture, and is an attempt to check the popular wrath at the famine which haunts every district of the Soviet Union. 
"Everywhere was the cry, ‘There is no bread.  We are dying.  This cry came from every part of Russia, from the Volga,. Siberia, White Russia, the North Caucasus, Central Asia.  I tramped through the black earth region because that was once the richest farm land in Russia and because the correspondents have been forbidden to go there to see for themselves what is happening.
 “In the train a Communist denied ‘to me that there was a famine.  I flung a crust of bread which I had been eating from my own supply into a spittoon. A peasant fellow-passenger fished it out and ravenously ate it.  I threw an orange peel into the spittoon and the peasant again grabbed it and devoured it.  The Communist subsided.  I stayed overnight in a village where there used to be 200 oxen and where there now are six.  The peasants were eating the cattle fodder and had only a month’s supply left.  They told me that many had already died of hunger.  Two soldiers came to arrest a thief.  They warned me against travel by night as there were too many ‘starving’ desperate men.
  “‘We are waiting for death’ was my welcome, but See, we still, have our cattle fodder.  Go farther south.  There they have nothing.  Many houses are empty of people already dead,’ they cried.
 “A foreign expert returning from Kazakstan told me that 1,000,000 out of 5,000,000 there have died of hunger. I can believe it.  After Stalin, the most hated man in Russia is Bernard Shaw among  those who read his glowing descriptions of plentiful food in their starving land.  “The future is blacker than the present.  There is insufficient seed.  Many peasants are too weak physically to work on the land.  The new taxation policy, promising to take only a fixed amount of grain from the peasants, will fail to encourage production because the peasants refuse to trust the Government.”  In short, Mr. Jones concluded, the collectivization policy of the Government and the resistance of the peasants to it have brought Russia to the worst catastrophe since the famine of 1921 and have swept away the population of whole districts. 
 Coupled with this, the prime reason for the breakdown, he added, is the terror, lack of skill and collapse of transport and finance.  Unemployment is rapidly increasing, he declared, because of the lack of raw materials.  The lack of food and the ‘wrecking of the currency and credit system have forced many of the factories to close or to dismiss great numbers of workers.
 The Jones report, because of his position, because of his reputation for reliability and impartiality and because he is the only first-hand observer who has visited the Russian countryside since it was officially closed to foreigners, is bound to receive widespread attention in official England as well as among the public of the country.
The Chicago Daily News

Wednesday 29th March 1933

(Page2)



  Click on the image above for a more detailed legible copy of  Edgar Mowrer's article- plus perhaps in my my mind as interesting,, an unfortunately cropped copy of William Stoneman's February 1st filed article from Moscow of exiled Kuban Villages for some reason published on the same day - which to me beggars the question, "Why did Stoneman's article sit on his editor's desk for almost two months without publication?" [Nigel Linsan Colley - 1st August 2005]

Russian Famine Now as Great as Starvation of 1921, 

Says Secretary of Lloyd George

BY EDGAR ANSEL MOWRER

SPECIAL RADIO

The Chicago Daily News Foreign Service. Copyright 1933. The Chicago Daily News Inc.
Berlin, Germany, March 29 – The present Russian Famine is as bad as the great starvation of 1921, when millions died, according to Gareth Jones, private secretary to David Lloyd George, liberal former prime minister, who reached here today after a long walking trip through the rural districts of the Ukraine.
Jones will deliver an official report in London to the royal institute of international affairs tomorrow, explaining the conditions in Russia and the reasons underlying them. He speaks Russian fluently and while most foreign correspondents were forbidden to visit the famine regions of the Ukraine, Jones was allowed to do so.
His report explains the dislike of the Russian authorities to having conditions in the Soviet Union investigated.
Sees Famine on Huge Scale
Jones saw famine on a huge scale and the revival of murderous terror. The Russians are thoroughly alarmed over this situation and, he explains, the arrest of the British engineers recently as a maniac measure following the shooting by the government of thirty-five prominent Russian agricultural workers, including a vice-commissar in the ministry of agriculture.
“I walked through the country visiting villages and investigating twelve collective farms,” Jones today told the correspondent of The Chicago Daily News.
“Everywhere I heard the cry, ‘there is no bread, we are dying.’
“This cry is rising from all parts of Russia; from the Volga district, from Siberia, from White Russia and from the Ukraine black dirt country. I saw a peasant fish out a crust of bread and an orange peel which I had thrown into a cuspidor in the train.
Warned Against Night Travel
“Soldiers warned me against travelling by night, as there were too many desperate men about. A foreign expert who returned from Kazakstan told me that 1,000,000 out of 5,000,000 inhabitants there have died of hunger.
“After Dictator Josef v. Stalin, the hungry Russians most hate George Bernard Shaw for his accounts that they have plenty of food, whereas they are really starving. There is insufficient food and many peasants are too weak to work the land and future prospect seems blacker than the present. The peasants no longer trust their government and he change in the taxation policy came too late.”
Jones attributes the famine chiefly to the collectivization policy and the peasants’ hatred of it. Other cases are bad transportation, the lack of skilled labor, the bad state finances and government terror. Unemployment is steadily growing in the land that but a few years ago boasted of its freedom from ills current in capitalistic society.

[One should note that on 29th March 1933, two  Pulitzer Prize Winners for Correspondence;  H. R. Knickerbocker - New York Evening Post for 1931  and the 'soon--to-be' 1933 winner, Adsel Mowrer - Chicago Daily News,  simultaneously exposed the the Famine in the USA  for their respective newspapers by immediately  reporting Gareth's Berlin Press Conference, whilst Duranty, who one should remember was the Pulitzer 'incumbent', just a day later and from 'on the spot' in Moscow knowingly chose to denigrate Gareth's truthful observations...]
The Morning Post.  March 30th 1933  
[This Newspaper was later merged with the London Daily Telegraph.]

RUSSIA IN GRIP OF FAMINE 

Death and Despair Stalk the Land 

EVIDENCE AT FIRST HAND 

“There Is No Bread: We Are Dying” 

BERLIN, March 29.  [1933]
“Russia today is in the grip of famine, which is proving as disastrous as the catastrophe of 1921, when millions died,” said Mr. Gareth Jones Former Political Secretary of Mr. Lloyd George, when he arrived in Berlin this morning en route for London.  He had been on a long walking trip through the Ukraine and other districts of the Soviet Union. 
Mr. Jones, who speaks Russian fluently, was the first foreigner to visit the Russian countryside since the Moscow authorities forbade foreign correspondents to leave the city.  His report which will be delivered to the Institute of International Affairs to-morrow, explains the reason for this s prohibition. 
In an interview with the New York Evening Post,  “Mr. Jones said that famine on a colossal scale was impending.  It meant death to millions by hunger, and the beginnings of serious unemployment in a land which has hitherto prided itself of every man having a job.  The arrest of the British engineers in Moscow is a symbol of panic and is a consequence of worse than in 1921 when millions died of hunger,” declared Mr. Jones.  The trial beginning on Saturday of British engineers is merely a sequel to the recent shooting of thirty-five prominent agricultural workers, including the Vice-Commissar in the Ministry of Agriculture, in an attempt to cheek the popular wrath at the famine which haunts every district of the Soviet Union. 
“I walked alone through villages and twelve collective farms.  Everywhere  was the cry, ‘There is no bread; we are dying!’.  This cry came to me from every part of Russia. 
“In a train a Communist denied to me that there was a famine.  I flung into the spittoon a crust of bread I had been eating from my own supply.  The peasant, my fellow passenger fished it out and ravenously ate it.  I threw orange peel into the peasant again grabbed and devoured it.  The Communist subsided. 

A MILLION DEAD 

“A foreign expert returning from Kazakstan told me that a million out of five million have died of hunger.  I can believe it.  “After Stalin, the most hated man in Russia is Bernard Shaw.  To many of those who can read and have read his glaring descriptions of plentiful food in their starving laud the future is blacker than the present. 
“ There is insufficient seed.  Many of the peasants are too weak to work the land.  The new taxation policy which promised to take only a fixed amount of grain from the peasants will fail to encourage production because the peasants refuse to trust the Government.” 
In short, concluded Mr. Jones, the Government’s policy of collectivisation and the peasants’ resistance to it had brought Russia to the worst catastrophe since the famine of 1921 swept away the population of entire districts. 
Coupled with this, the prime reason for the breakdown was the lack of skilled labour and the collapse of transport and finance.
Daily Express. March 30th 1933

 Millions Starving In Russia 

‘THERE IS NO BREAD WE ARE DYING’ 

BERLIN, Wednesday, March 29th.
Russia to-day is in the grip of famine, which is proving disastrous as the catastrophe of when millions died,’’ said Mr. Gareth Jones, formerly political secretary of Mr. Lloyd George when he arrived in Berlin today on his way to London after a long walking trip through the Ukraine and other districts of the Soviet Union.
Mr. Jones who speaks Russian fluently, was the first foreigner to visit the Russian countryside since the Moscow authorities forbade foreign correspondents to leave the city. 
In an interview with the “New York Evening Post’’ Mr. Jones said the famine on a colossal stale was impending.  It meant death to millions by hunger, and the beginning of serious unemployment in a land which has hitherto prided itself on every man having a job.
“I walked alone through villages and twelve collective farms,” he said.  “Everywhere was the cry, ‘There is no bread; we are dying!’ This cry came to me from every part of Russia. 

TOO WEAK TO WORK 

“In a train a Communist denied to me that there was a famine.  I flung into the spittoon a crust of bread I had been eating from my own supply.  A peasant, my fellow-passenger, fished it out and ravenously ate it.  I threw orange peel into the spittoon ; the peasant again grabbed and devoured it. 
“The Communist subsided
“A foreign expert returning from Kazakstan told me that a million out of five million have died of hunger. 
“‘There is insufficient seed.  Many of the peasants are too weak to work.” 
In short, concluded Mr. Jones, the Government’s policy of collectivization and the peasants’ resistance to it had brought Russia to the worst catastrophe since the famine of 1921swept away the population of whole district.
The London Evening Standard, March 31st, 1933

FAMINE RULES RUSSIA

The 5-year Plan Has Killed the Bread Supply.

By GARETH JONES.

[Click on image to open 450kb legible copy of the article which can then be saved to disk and viewed with any photo editor]
 Mr. Jones is one of Mr. Lloyd George’s private secretaries.  He has just returned from an extensive tour on foot in Soviet Russia.  He speaks Russian fluently - and here is the terrible story the peasants told him.  
A few day sago I stood in a worker’s cottage outside Moscow.  A father and a son, the father, a Russian skilled worker in a Moscow factory and the son a member of the Young Communist League, stood glaring at one another. 
The father trembling with excitement, lost control of himself and shouted at his Communist son.  It is terrible now.  We workers are starving.  Look at Chelyabinsk where I once worked.  Disease there is carrying away numbers of us workers and the little food there is uneatable.  That is what you have done to our Mother Russia. 
The son cried back: “But look at the giants of industry which we have built.  Look at the new tractor works.  Look at the Dniepostroy.  That has construction has been worth suffering for.” 
“Construction indeed!”  Was the father's reply:  “What’s the use of construction when you have destroyed all that’s best in Russia?” 
What that worker said at least 96 per cent. of the people of Russia are thinking.  There has been construction, but, in the act of building, all that was best in Russia has disappeared.  The main result of the Five Year Plan has been the tragic ruin of Russian agriculture.  This ruin I saw in its grim reality.  I tramped through a number of villages in the snow of March.  I saw children with swollen bellies.  I slept in peasants’ huts, sometimes nine of us in one room.  I talked to every peasant I met, and the general conclusion I draw is that the present state of Russian agriculture is already catastrophic but that in a year’s time its condition will have worsened tenfold. 
What did the peasants say?  There was one cry which resounded everywhere I went and that was: “There is no bread.” The other sentence, which as the leitmotiv of my Russian visit was: “All are swollen.”  Even within a few miles of Moscow there is no bread left.  As I was going through the countryside in that district I chatted to several women who were trudging with empty sacks towards Moscow.  They all said: “It is terrible.  We have no bread. We have to go all the way to Moscow to get bread and then they will only give us four pounds, which costs three roubles (six shillings nominally).  How can a poor man live?” 
“Have you potatoes?”  I asked. Every peasant I asked nodded negatively with sadness. 
“What about your cows?” was the next question.  To the Russian peasant the cow means wealth, food and happiness.  It is almost the centre-point upon which his life gravitates.
“The cattle have nearly all died.  How can we feed the cattle when we have only fodder to eat ourselves?” 
“And your horses?” was the question I asked in every village I visited.  The horse is now a question of life and death, for without a horse how can one plough?  And if one cannot plough, how can one sow for the next harvest?  And if one cannot sow for the next harvest, then death is the only prospect in the future. 
The reply spelled doom for most of the villages.  The peasants said: “Most of our horses have died and we have so little fodder that the remaining ones all scraggy and ill.” 
If it is grave now and if millions are dying in the villages, as they are, for I did not visit a single village where many had not died, what will it be like in a month’s time?  The potatoes left are being counted one by one, but in so many homes the potatoes have long run out.  The beet, once used as cattle fodder may run out in many huts before the new food comes in June, July and August, and many have not even beet. 
The situation is graver than in 1921, as all peasants stated emphatically.  In that year there was famine in several great regions but in most parts the peasants could live.  It was a localised famine, which had many millions of victims, especially along Volga. But today the famine is everywhere, in the formerly rich Ukraine, in Russia, in Central Asia, in North Caucasia - everywhere. 
Child Beggars in Moscow
What of the towns?  Moscow as yet does not look so stricken, and no one staying in Moscow would have an inkling of what is going on in the countryside, unless he could talk to the peasants who have come hundreds and hundreds of miles to the capital to look for bread.  The people in Moscow warmly clad, and many of the skilled workers, who have their warm meal every day at the factory, are well fed.  Some of those who earn very good salaries, or who have special privileges, look even, well dressed, but the vast majority of the unskilled workers are feeling the pinch.
I talked to a worker who was hauling a heavy wooden trunk.  “It is terrible now” he said.  “ I get two pounds of bread a day and it is rotten bread.  I get no meat, no eggs, no butter.  Before the war I used, to get a lot of meat and it was cheap.  But I haven’t had meat for a year.  Eggs were only a kopeck each before the war, but now they are a great luxury.  I get a little soup, but it is not enough to live on.” 
And now a new dread visits the Russian worker.  That is unemployment.  In the last few months very many thousands have been dismissed from factories in many parts of the Soviet. Union.  I asked one unemployed man what happened to him.  He replied: “We are treated like cattle.  We are told to get away, and we get no bread card.  How can I live?  I used to get a pound of bread a day for all my family, but now there is no bread card.  I have to leave the city and make my way out into the countryside where there is also no bread.”
The Five-Year Plan has built many fine factories.  But it is bread that makes factory wheels go round, and the Five-Year Plan has destroyed the bread-supplier of Russia.

 The denigration of Gareth Jones by Walter Duranty in  The New York Times, Friday March 31st 1933.

RUSSIANS HUNGRY, BUT NOT STARVING

Deaths From Diseases Due to Malnutrition High, Yet the Soviet is Entrenched

LARGER CITIES HAVE FOOD

Ukraine, North Caucasus and Lower Volga Regions Suffer From Shortages.

KREMLIN'S 'DOOM' DENIED

Russian and Foreign Observers In Country See No Ground for Predications of Disaster

By WALTER DURANTY
Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES
MOSCOW, March 30---In the middle of the diplomatic duel between Great Britain and the Soviet Union over the accused British engineers there appears from a British source a big scare story in the American press about famine in the Soviet Union, with "thousands already dead and millions menaced by death and starvation."
Its author is Gareth Jones, who is a former secretary to David Lloyd George and who recently spent three weeks in the Soviet Union and reached the conclusion that the country was "on the verge of a terrific smash," as he told the writer. 
Mr. Jones is a man of a keen and active mind, and he has taken the trouble to learn Russian, which he speaks with considerable fluency, but the writer thought Mr. Jones's judgment was somewhat hasty and asked him on what it was based. It appeared that he had made a forty-mile walk through villages in the neighborhood of Kharkov and had found conditions sad.
I suggested that that was a rather inadequate cross-section of a big country but nothing could shake his conviction of impending doom.

Predictions of Doom Frequent.

The number of times foreigners, especially Britons, have shaken rueful heads as they composed the Soviet Union's epitaph can scarcely be computed, and in point of fact it has done incalculable harm since the day when William C. Bullitt's able and honest account of the situation was shelved and negatived during the Versailles Peace Conference by reports that Admiral Kolchak, White Russian leader, had taken Kazan - which he never did - and that the Soviet power was "one the verge of an abyss."
Admiral Kolchak faded. Then General Denikin took Orel and the Soviet Government was on the verge of an abyss again, and General Yudenich "took" Petrograd. But where are Generals Denikin and Yudenich now?
A couple of years ago another British "eyewitness" reported a mutiny in the Moscow garrison and "rows of corpses neatly piled in Theatre Square," and only this week a British news agency revealed a revolt of the Soviet Fifty-fifth Regiment at Duria, on the  Manchurian border. All bunk, of course.
This is not to mention a more regrettable incident of three years ago when an American correspondent discovered half of Ukraine flaming with rebellion and "proved" it by authentic documents eagerly proffered by Rumanians, which documents on examination appeared to relate to events of eight or ten years earlier.

Saw No One Dying

But to return to Mr. Jones. He told me there was virtually no bread in the villages he had visited and that the adults were haggard, guant and discouraged, but that he had seen no dead or dying animals or human beings. 
I believed him because I knew it to be correct not only of some parts of the Ukraine but of sections of the North Caucasus and lower Volga regions and, for that matter, Kazakstan, where the attempt to change the stock-raising nomads of the type and the period of Abraham and Isaac into 1933 collective grain farmers has produced the most deplorable results.
It is all too true that the novelty and mismanagement of collective farming, plus the quite efficient conspiracy of Feodor M. Konar and his associates in agricultural commissariats, have made a mess of Soviet food production. [Konar was executed for sabotage.]
But---to put it brutally---you can't make an omelette without breaking eggs, and the Bolshevist leaders are just as indifferent to the casualties that may be involved in their drive toward socializaton as any General during the World War who ordered a costly attack in order to show his superiors that he and his division possessed the proper soldierly spirit. In fact, the Bolsheviki are more indifferent because they are animated by fanatical conviction. 
Since I talked to Mr. Jones I have made exhaustive inquiries about this alleged famine situation. I have inquired in Soviet commissariats and in foreign embassies with their network of consuls, and I have tabulated information from Britons working as specialists and from my personal connections, Russian and foreign.

Disease Mortality Is High

All of this seems to me to be more trustworthy information than I could get by a brief trip through any one area. The Soviet Union is too big to permit a hasty study, and it is the foreign correspondent's job to present a whole picture, not a part of it. And here are the facts:
There is a serious shortage food shortage throughout the country, with occasional cases of well-managed State or collective farms. The big cities and the army are adequately supplied with food. There is no actual starvation or deaths from starvation, but there is widespread mortality from diseases due to malnutrition.
In short, conditions are definitely bad in certain sections- the Ukraine, North Caucasus and Lower Volga. The rest of the country is on short rations but nothing worse. These conditions are bad, but there is no famine. 
The critical months in this country are February and March, after which a supply of eggs, milk and vegetables comes to supplement the shortage of bread - if, as now, there is a shortage of bread. In every Russian village food conditions will improve henceforth, but that will not answer one really vital question---What about the coming grain crop?
Upon that depends not the future of the Soviet power, which cannot and will not be smashed, but the future policy of the Kremlin.  If through climatic conditions, as in 1921, the crop fails, then, indeed, Russia will be menaced by famine. If not, the present difficulties will be speedily forgotten.    
 The New York Times. Date: May 13th, 1933.

Mr. Jones Replies:

Former Secretary of Lloyd George Tells of Observations in Russia

  To the Editor of The New York Times:
On my return from Russia at the end of March, I stated in an interview in Berlin that everywhere I went in the Russian villages I heard the cry; “There is no bread, we are dying,” and that there was famine in the Soviet Union, menacing the lives of millions of people.
Walter Duranty, whom I must thank for his continued kindness and helpfulness to hundreds of American and British visitors to Moscow, immediately cabled a denial of the famine.  He suggested that my judgment was only based on a forty-mile tramp through villages.  He stated that he had inquired in Soviet commissariats and in the foreign embassies and had come to the conclusion that there was no famine, but that there was a “serious food shortage throughout the country … No actual starvation or deaths from starvation, but there is widespread mortality from diseases due to malnutrition.” 

Evidence From Several Sources.

While partially agreeing with my statement, he implied that my report was a “scare story” and compared it with certain fantastic prophecies of Soviet downfall.  He also made the strange suggestion that I was forecasting the doom of the Soviet régime, a forecast I have never ventured.
I stand by my statement that Soviet Russia is suffering from a severe famine.  It would be foolish to draw this conclusion from my tramp through a small part of vast Russia, although I must remind Mr. Duranty that it was my third visit to Russia, that I devoted four years of university life to the study of the Russian language and history and that on this occasion alone I visited in all twenty villages, not only in the Ukraine, but also in the black earth district, and in the Moscow region, and that I slept  in peasants’ cottages, and did not immediately leave for the next village.
My first evidence was gathered from foreign observers.  Since Mr. Duranty introduces consuls into the discussion, a thing I am loath to do, for they are official representatives of their countries and should not be quoted, may I say that I discussed the Russian situation with between twenty and thirty consuls and diplomatic representatives of various nations and that their evidence supported my point of view. But they are not allowed to express their views in the press, and therefore remain silent.

Journalists Are Handicapped.

Journalists, on the other hand, are allowed to write, but the censorship has turned them into masters of euphemism and understatement.  Hence they give “famine” the polite name of  “food shortage” and “starving to death” is softened down to read as “widespread mortality from diseases due to malnutrition.”  Consuls are not so reticent in private conversation.
My second evidence was based on conversations with peasants who had migrated into the towns from various parts of Russia.  Peasants from the richest parts of Russia coming into the towns for bread.  Their story of the deaths in their villages from starvation and of the death of the greater part of their cattle and horses was tragic, and each conversation corroborated the previous one. 
Third, my evidence was based upon letters written by German colonists in Russia, appealing for help to their compatriots in Germany. “My brother’s four children have died of hunger.”  “We have had no bread for six months.”  “If we do not get help from abroad, there is nothing left but to die of hunger.”  Those are typical passages from these letters. 

Statements by Peasants.

Fourth, I gathered evidence from journalists and technical experts who had been in the countryside.  In The Manchester Guardian, which has been exceedingly sympathetic toward the Soviet régime, there appeared on March 25, 27 and 28 an excellent series of articles on “The Soviet and the Peasantry” (which had not been submitted to the censor).  The correspondent, who had visited North Caucasus and the Ukraine, states: “To say that there is famine in some of the’ most fertile parts of Russia is to say much less than the truth: there is not only famine, but - in the case of the North Caucasus at least - a state of war, a military occupation.”  Of the Ukraine, he writes: “The population is starving.” 
My final evidence is based on my talks with hundreds of peasants.  They were not the “kulaks”- those mythical scapegoats for the hunger in Russia-but ordinary peasants.  I talked with them alone in Russian and jotted down their conversations, which are an unanswerable indictment of Soviet agricultural policy.  The peasants said emphatically that the famine was worse than in 1921 and that fellow-villagers had died or were dying.
Mr. Duranty says that I saw in the villages no dead human beings nor animals.  That is true, but one does not need a particularly nimble brain to grasp that even in the Russian famine districts the dead are buried and that there the dead animals are devoured.
May I in conclusion congratulate the Soviet Foreign Office on its skill in concealing the true situation in the U.S.S.R.?  Moscow is not Russia, and the sight of well fed people there tends to hide the real Russia.
GARETH JONES.   

Monday, May 14, 2012

UKRAINE - Holodomor 1932-33 - INTRO + TESTIMONIES + PICTURES

UKRAINE - Holodomor 1932-33 - INTRO + TESTIMONIES + PICTURES

Holodomor is based on two Ukrainian words: holod – ‘hunger, starvation, famine’, and moryty – ‘to induce suffering, to kill’. Holodomor happened in 1932 – 1933 in Ukraine. It was a man-made famine constructed by the orders of Stalin on the Ukrainian peasants (the “kulaks”) because they refused to agree to his plan of collectivisation. Over 7 million people died of starvation and that includes around 3 million children. No one knows exactly how many people died during that 18 month period because the dead were put into mass graves which are still being found.
Some of you reading this might be thinking “if there was a man-made famine in Ukraine back then we would know about it. It would be in history books…etc etc etc”. WRONG! When I was taking GCSE history we studied Russia as part of the course and in my history book there was 2 line (yes, 2 whole lines) about the starving people in the Ukrainian SSR. It basically said “…during 1932- 33 there was a famine in Ukraine, the breadbasket of Europe. Around 5 million people died and Stalin was deeply saddened by this….” So, don’t always believe what you read in history books. Holodomor was repeatedly denied by the Soviet Union while the western world turned a blind eye. When officials visited from different countries to see for themselves if anything was going on, actors would be paid to act as “happy peasants” of the collective farms and any real peasants, the ones that were dying of starvation, would be arrested and shot if they went near the officials.
For the people of Ukraine, their food was confiscated and if people were hiding food they would be arrest and, more than likely, would have been shot. Travelling to different parts of Ukraine to find food was forbidden. Livestock, grain, crops and any and all types of food was seized by Russian authorities.
http://myroslavaterlecky.wordpress.com/2012/01/26/my-poetic-eyes-research/ 

1928
Stalin introduces a program of agricultural collectivization that forces peasants/farmers to give up their private land and livestock, and join state owned, factory-like collective farms. Stalin decides that collective farms would not only feed the industrial workers in the cities but would also provide a substantial amount of grain to be sold abroad, with the money used to finance his industrialization plans.

1929
A policy of enforcement is applied, using regular troops and secret police. Many Ukrainian peasants/farmers, known for their independence, still refuse to join the collective farms. Stalin decides to “liquidate them as a class” and accuses Ukrainians of “bourgeois nationalism.” 

1930
Hundreds of thousands are expropriated, dragged from their homes, packed into freight trains, and shipped to Siberia where they are left, often without food or shelter. In the end, 1,000,000 Ukrainian peasants are seized and more than 850,000 deported to the frozen tundras of Siberia, where many perished.

1932-1933
The Soviet government increases Ukraine's production quotas by 44%, ensuring that they could not be met. Starvation becomes widespread.  Secret decrees are implemented that  allow arrest or execution of any starving peasant  found taking as little as a few stalks of wheat or a potato from the fields he worked.  By decree, discriminatory voucher systems are implemented, and military blockades are erected around Ukrainian villages preventing the transport of food into the villages and the hungry from leaving in search of food.  Brigades of young activists from other Soviet regions are brought in to confiscate hidden grain, and eventually all foodstuffs from the peasants’ homes.
Stalin states of Ukraine that “the national question is in essence a rural question” and he and his henchmen determine to “teach a lesson through famine” and ultimately,  to deal a “crushing blow” to the backbone of Ukraine, its rural population.  

1933
Ukrainians are dying at the rate of 25,000 a day, more than half were children. In the end, up to 10 million starve to death.  Stalin denies to the world that there is any famine in Ukraine, and prevents international aid from entering the country.

Denial of the famine

“Any report of a famine in Russia is today an exaggeration or malignant propaganda. There is no actual starvation or deaths from starvation but there is widespread mortality from diseases due to malnutrition.”
(as reported by the New York Times correspondent and Pulitzer-prize winner Walter Duranty)

Denial of the famine by Soviet authorities was echoed at the time of the famine by some prominent Western journalists, like Walter Duranty. It was the official policy of the Soviet Union to deny the existence of a famine and thus to refuse any outside assistance. Anyone claiming that there was in fact a famine was accused of spreading anti-Soviet propaganda. Inside the Soviet Union, a person could be arrested for even using the word ‘famine’ or ‘hunger’ or ‘starvation’ in a sentence.
Outside the Soviet Union, governments of the West adopted a passive attitude toward the famine, although most of them had become aware of the true suffering in Ukraine through confidential diplomatic channels.
In November 1933, the United States, under its new president, Franklin D. Roosevelt, even chose to formally recognized Stalin’s Communist government and also negotiated a sweeping new trade agreement. The following year, the pattern of denial in the West culminated with the admission of the Soviet Union into the League of Nations. Stalin’s Five Year Plan for the modernization of the Soviet Union depended largely on the purchase of massive amounts of manufactured goods and technology from Western nations. Those nations were unwilling to disrupt lucrative trade agreements with the Soviet Union in order to pursue the matter of the famine.
It was kept out of official history until 1991, when the country of 47 million finally won its independence.

Today it is recognized as genocide by less than two dozen countries out of 196. The famine is now the focus of books, exhibitions and documentaries marking the 75th anniversary of the tragedy.
Ukraine’s government is asking the United Nations to recognize the disaster as an act of genocide, worsening already frosty relations with Russia, which says the famine resulted from drought. Russian nationalists vandalized an exhibit at the Ukrainian embassy in Moscow in November. While the Russian government didn’t condone the attack, it called Ukraine’s depiction of the famine a “one-sided falsification of history.’’
In recent years Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko had ordered the release of old KGB records on the Famine.
With this information it has become very apparent that this Famine was a deliberate act of Genocide, a method to ethnically cleanse Ukrainians from the territories of Ukraine and parts of Russia. At first only several thousand documents were released. Recently another batch of 25,000 documents is being declassified.
As more documents are released this event in Ukrainian history has taken on a very ominous tone.
On November 28th 2006, the Verkhovna Rada (Parliament of Ukraine) had passed a decree defining the Holodomor as a deliberate Act of Genocide.

NOW UKRAINE IS RE-SOVIETIZED!!!           

SEE: Deleting the Holodomor

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Eyewitness accounts from journalists:

 http://www.augb.co.uk/eyewitness-accounts.php
During the Holodomor, the Soviet government introduced stringent travel restrictions into Ukraine, in an attempt to prevent journalists and others from seeing for themselves the extent of the famine.
There were some journalists – most infamously Walter Duranty of the New York Times – who, in return for interviews with Stalin and other high-ranking government officials, collaborated with the Soviet government to cover up the existence and scale of the famine, while admitting privately that the famine both existed and that the death toll was horrendous.  Malcolm Muggeridge called him “…the greatest liar I ever knew…” and finally, in 1990, a New York Times editorial, written by Karl A Meyer, acknowledged that what Duranty had written constituted “…some of the worst reporting to appear in this newspaper.”
A. W. Kliefoth's, US Berlin Embassy memorandum of 4th June 1931 of his meeting with Duranty -SEE THE MEMORANDUM HERE: "In conclusion, Duranty pointed out that 'in agreement with NEW YORK TIMES and the Soviet authorities,' his dispatches always reflect the official position of the Soviet regime and not his own."

There were others, however, who evaded the restrictions to seek out the truth, in spite of the abuse and vilification they then suffered from both the Soviet government and other journalistic colleagues. British journalists Malcolm Muggeridge and Gareth Jones were among their number.
Malcolm Muggeridge smuggled out several articles via the diplomatic pouch which were published in the Manchester Guardian. What he saw horrified him and stayed with him forever. At a German co-operative farm (a government concession in the Caucasus), he saw peasants kneeling in the snow, begging for a crust of bread. In his diaries he wrote, “I must never pretend that I haven’t seen this. Ideas will come and go; but this is more than an idea. It is peasants kneeling down in the snow and asking for bread. Something that I have seen and understood.” {SEE INTERVIEW}

Gareth Jones, [THE HERO OF TRUTH, MURDERED BY USSR] a young Welshman, was a former adviser on foreign policy to Lloyd George. He too travelled through Ukraine and subsequently wrote articles for and was interviewed by several newspapers. In an interview with the Morning Post in March 1933, he said, “I walked alone through villages and twelve collective farms. Everywhere was the cry, ‘There is no bread; we are dying…’”
{SEE ARTICLES - BIO, HERE}

Other eyewitnesses include Andrea Graziosi, who was the Italian consul in Kharkiv in 1933. His letters and dispatches form a unique account of the reality of the Holodomor. He described the influx of starving peasants from the countryside to the city and the children abandoned by desperate parents in the hope that someone would look after them. He told how the dead and dying were dealt with, “People who are already starting to swell up are moved out in good trains and abandoned about forty miles out of town so that they can die out of sight. When they arrive at the destination, huge ditches are dug and the dead are carried out of the wagons…”




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Eyewitness accounts from survivors: 
http://www.augb.co.uk/survivor-testimony.php 

Very Reverend Mychajlo Diachenko

The Very Reverend Mychajlo Diachenko was born on 17 August 1922 in Khutir Shevchenko, Cherkasy Region and lives in Stockport, Great Britain.
My father and mother had four children: Marusia, Oksana, Anna, and myself Mychajlo.
When Ukraine was briefly independent between 1918 - 19 my father helped establish Ukrainian schools and was a Schools Inspector. After the end of Ukraine’s Independence in 1922 we fled to Kosoroteva in the Donetsk region, because of persecution. It was less repressive there, the authorities did not ask so many questions. My mother died of tuberculosis in 1924, but my father remarried.
Stalin wanted to collectivize the farms in Ukraine. My father built a house, had a smallholding, grew his own food and had livestock. He was classed a ‘kulak’ - a well to do person, an enemy of the Soviet people. In 1930 they found and arrested my father, interrogated him but later let him go. In 1932 my father was re-arrested and sentenced to 5 years’ imprisonment and his citizenship was taken away from him for 10 years. I did not know where the prison was because in those days if you asked too many questions you would also be imprisoned.
In the autumn of 1932 they confiscated our house and all our possessions. A detachment came to our house and took everything - food from the table, seeds for sowing next year’s crops, foods that were drying near the fire and food to feed us during winter. They even took the boots that I was wearing. They pushed metal rods into the thatched roof of our house to make sure we were not hiding any grain. They poured paraffin into the river so we could not catch fish to eat.
We were taken away on a sleigh to Khutir Lukiv in the Donetsk region. In that village there used to be a German colony but they were deported back to Germany. There were empty houses in the village and we were given a large house to live in. There was nothing inside but a blanket. There was nothing to heat the house with and 1932 was a very cold winter.  My stepmother, three sisters and I slept together under one blanket. We were forbidden to return back to our village. We searched the fields for the odd potato, crushed stones from fruits and other roots. My sisters caught sparrows to eat. Just before Christmas it became so intolerable that my step-mother decided we would go back to Kosoroteva village. We could live there no longer.
We returned against orders by foot to the village hoping my stepmother’s godmother would help us. We found our house. It was taken apart - there was nothing left except for the walls. It was that type of a year. People were so desperate. We went to my stepmother’s godmother’s house but she was not there. We later heard she was taken to Siberia. We broke into the house and found that it was empty except for a bed and a couple of blankets. My sisters went out to find what they could. We made bread from the chaff of wheat and a few grains of wheat that we could find.
Two days before Christmas in 1932 there was an amnesty and my father was released from prison. My father returned home in a terrible state. He was black and blue from being tortured. He had bruises all over his body. The three wounds he received during the Great War had opened up and he needed food and medical attention, but where could he receive it from? My sister Oksana died of starvation aged 16 just after Christmas in 1933. My father lived until the Saturday before the feast of the Holy Trinity. I remember I was sitting on a wooden bench and my father died with his head on my lap. I was only ten years of age. It was a terrible time.
In this way they forced the kulaks to work in the collective farms. We were not allowed to gather what was left from the harvested wheat fields for fear of being shot.
There was one family in the village that exchanged some flower to make bread but it was mixed with chalk. They made a flat cake and after eating it they all died.
The worst time was in spring of 1933. However, an old man helped me. He gave me a piece of makukha to eat (what was left from sunflower seeds after they had been pressed). He told me I should go to the town as it is better there. I had an aunty in the town so I went to find her. I searched for my aunty but could not find her. I shouted ‘Aunty Maria’ but did not know her surname. People laughed at me, Maria was a very popular name. I lived by myself all year. Eventually my aunty Maria recognised me in a market near the station at Sartana. She took me to her house in Marijpol and asked me to live with her family.
I do not know how I survived those two years. It was a miracle.
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Ivan Dovhopyat

Ivan Dovhopyat was born in 1919 in the village of Sloboda, Burynskiy sub-region, Sumy region. He was interviewed in 2007 and this interview was published in Ukrayinska Dumka on 8 September 2007. Ivan passed away in 2008.

What can you remember?
"It’s very difficult. I keep this close to myself. I remember when they took away the bread, when they took everything. How my father ran after them when they took the flour and says, “What are you doing? But we have five children!” I was the oldest. In 1933 I was 14 years old."
Ivan Dovhopyat remembers how good life was before the Stalinist terrors. At first, land was shared out amongst the villagers. This was their dream – to have their own small piece of land.
"We had a smallholding. They had given us land for four people when the new economic politics began. And my father did not want to join the collective farm. We had enough – a cow, a horse, pigs, and some chickens – until they started to take everything away. The communists came, or the Stalinists, however you want to describe them, collectivisation and that was that. They did not turn us out of our home because father had bought an old house and built a woodshed, so it wasn’t worth turning us out.
"My father worked as a blacksmith at the sugar factory. None of us five children died in the famine because my father and mother always tried to get some food. We had a few clothes, so they travelled to Kharkiv and bartered some for flour. We ate the chaff from buckwheat. My mother dried it, I go to baba’s, grind it, and then my mother bakes small pancakes. When there was still some flour, she would mix it in so that the pancakes held together. She put them in boiling water to make a soup and that’s how we survived. One of my younger brothers became very swollen, just when wheat began to grow near our house. I stripped the ears of wheat and gave them to him, which saved his life."
Tell us how the food was taken away.
"They had these yards for people who weren’t in the collective farm. You had to go to the headquarters. The communists came with revolvers and those who weren’t part of the kolhosp had to go. There, they gave orders how much potato and grain you had to bring. After dinner, you had to go back to them so that they could give you a receipt for how much you had brought. And if you didn’t bring anything, then the brigade would take everything.  We didn’t have anything left to take them, so the brigade came. The sugar factory wasn’t far from our house, so I ran to tell my father that they had come. My father ran home and they were already there on a sledge (it was January). Father begged a small amount of flour from them, but because he had left work without permission, he was thrown out. They took the bread, they took my father’s job: and what can you do… My father went to the railway station because they gave out bread there. I remember him coming home in the evening, and we took the crumbs out of his pocket and ate them."
You managed to survive, but what about the other villagers?
"In our village, not many. Very few people were left alive. The older people all died. I remember my dido and baba (grandfather and grandmother). Dido was lying in bed and asking for someone to bring him even a sweet.  In the spring, the real crimes began. Potato was sown, and people dug them up to eat, and they caught and killed them.
"Yes, that’s how it was. If you described everything, it would be a huge history. But not everyone believes that it happened, that we had to eat chaff… They say we’re making it up."
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Anastasia Ostapiuk

Anastasia Ostapiuk (nee Zhuravel’) was born in 1923 in the village of Kropyvniya, Novohradskiy sub-region, Zhytomyr region, in Ukraine. She was interviewed by Bohdan Ratych and Victor Andrusyshyn in April 2008 and lives in Manchester, Great Britain.

"I was born into a village family. I was 10 years old when the Holodomor took place in 1933. I remember 1932 well and the years before. My father was a bookkeeper in the collective farm and village council. He counted the work days, when people came with information about what they had done in the fields, how much they had reaped or whatever, then that was translated into a working day or one and a half days, and that determined the amount of bread you received. I know from a photograph that my mother showed me that my father had been in Petliura’s army. That’s what my mother said…and she hid that photograph so that no-one would know. And no-one knew, not even us.
"Then the famine started in the village. People got very little food, because they were not given money or anything else for a working day. They just measured what you had done and gave a little grain or something, but they didn’t give bread any more. This was the beginning.
"But, a little later, people began to fall ill from hunger. They ran away, they didn’t know what to do, they ate everything they had in the house. And the komsomol brigades came to search the houses, to see if there was anything left in storerooms or somewhere else, if you had a religious picture or a cross on the wall. The komsomol did what they wanted with the people and no-one punished them… they searched the houses once a week. If they found something cooking on the fire, some soup or borshch, then they took it and poured it away on the ground. It was as if we had to die, as if we were marked out for death. This was in 1931-32.
"My father, seeing these difficulties, left his work in the village council and asked for a horse so that he could plant potatoes (in the collective farm). He ploughed a furrow in a big field with the horse and a plough and behind him people planted potato then others covered the plants. And sometimes, he would take some potato, dig it in and mark the place with a small stick. And at night, when it was dark, he went out on his knees so that no-one could see he was going for the potatoes. When he took potatoes, we had soup the next day with the potato and some other sort of plant. We ate anything we could because it was spring and nothing had grown yet.
"Later in 1932 my father died – he didn’t have enough strength and died. First he became very thin. None of us had enough to eat, father worried and his lungs became inflamed. The hospitals didn’t even take people in so he died at home. He called me and said, “Daughter, you’re the oldest, look after the little ones…”
"I was the oldest in the family. Then there was Ludmila, who became blind and died from hunger. Then there was Sonya. Sonya survived and Yevhen, the youngest, survived. Now to say how we lived after that. My mother went around the garden and picked horseradish, because it was spring and green leaves were coming out. She took the horseradish, cleaned and grated it, then she took leaves from a tree – mother knew what could be eaten – dried the leaves, mixed them with the horseradish and baked biscuits or pancakes. She gave them to us to eat and went to work.
"Our neighbours were called Khomenko and they had a full house of children. I saw with my own eyes how each morning a waggon would come to collect the dead from houses. So Khomenko, the father, died. The mother ran from the house and said, “Wait, don’t take him, because my son will be ready tomorrow. Let them at least lie together.” Because they threw all the dead into a single grave. You know, there was such  misery that it’s impossible to describe…
"There was one family where everyone had died except one son, called Matviy. The leaders of the collective farm built a small wooden shed in the farmyard. They took potato there and locked Matviy in – he slept and lived there. He cooked the potato for the horses, so that the horses had something to eat and could work in the fields. Then they would take the potato – and it smelled so good! The children crowded to the potato shed and begged – like bees round a hive.  He couldn’t do anything, because they locked him in, unlocked the door, took away the cooked potato, brought fresh potato, then locked the door again. But there were small holes and gaps in the wood that we looked through and sometimes he would push some potato through for the children. That was all he could do.
"When it was harvest time, it was a real tragedy. Many ears of wheat lay in the fields. We would go along the paths and hide in the bushes. When we saw there was no-one around, we would collect the wheat in our aprons and run home quickly. Because every field had two guards on horseback with sticks. If they caught anyone, they would beat them…
"Our village was large. It had a school with a large orchard where apples and pears grew, but no-one could pick them because they were taken and given to someone else. I remember that once, my mother gave me some sort of pastry to eat at break time, but I was scared that if the other pupils saw me, they would report it to the teacher. She would tell her superior…  So I told my mother that I couldn’t eat it – I had asked to go to the toilet and had thrown it into the hole. I was scared that my mother would be arrested and tried. They would take mother away and then put the children into an orphanage. So even children were scared of each other.
"Mother would stand the four of us in a line each morning, then she would take a small religious picture – where she hid it, I don’t know.  But she would put it out, and we would repeat “Our Father”. Mother told us all, “For the fear of God never tell anyone at school that your mother has taught you this.”
"I remember when I went with my aunt Olha (mother’s sister) to another village to see if we could get something or trade something. When the train stopped at the station, there were children lying all around near the tracks and begged (for food) but those in the train had nothing to throw them through the window.
"There was a good, big harvest in 1932-33, but when the grain was collected in the storehouse, they said that the government needed help and then they loaded wagon after wagon with sacks (of grain), placed a red flag and went to Novohrad to hand everything over to the government. So the harvest didn’t help anyone, because nearly everything went somewhere, for someone, while people were suffering from hunger. It was impossible, but see – God is good and we survived.
"The communist government was so terrible, they wanted to break the Ukrainian people so that they wouldn’t believe in God, but only in Stalin. Such a government – may God never allow the same in any other country… because its horrific… They spoke so nicely at the meetings – that everything would be better, that it would be heaven – but it was very different. Famine scythed down everyone who lived on Ukrainian land – Poles, Germans, Russians. In our village, I think about three-quarters of the people died… this is God’s truth…"
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Survivor testimony Vera Smereka

Personal recollections about the Holodomor of Mrs Vera Smereka. Now resides in Bradford, West Yorkshire.

I was born in Eastern Ukraine, in the Sumy region in the town of Krolevets on 19th January 1923. My father was a priest and had parishes in the villages.
In 1932, when I was 9 years old, famine began in Ukraine. It is hard for me to talk about this, as we suffered greatly. Bread disappeared as did any seasoning for soup. We were told which herbs were poisonous and which were not. We wandered through gardens and orchards looking for herbs which were not poisonous. My mother would cook some borscht but this only had water and herbs in it. We all had to eat this borscht. It was only water and herbs, we couldn’t even get any salt. From that time, our stomachs were often swollen.
People collected linden leaves. Even now, when I pass a linden tree, I pull off a leaf and eat it. That is how I remember that we used to eat the linden leaves. They were very bitter but we ate them whenever we could.
What saved us, was that in the region where we lived there were many woods, known as the Kochubeyski woods. When the trees were felled and a clearing was left, strawberries grew in these clearings. Women from our village gathered at midnight and walked for 10 kilometres to these clearings. I was 10 years old at the time and my mother took me with her to gather these berries. We arrived at the clearing at dawn, just as the sun was rising. We gathered the strawberries and took them home, this boosted our morale and saved us from hunger.
Understandably, at that time people became very ill. In order to minimise the psychological damage to us, my mother prevented us from seeing the terrible scenes that were everywhere around us. When my friends father died, I begged my mother to let me go and visit my friend, but she would not allow it. Many people were dying at that time. We children used to run to the funerals, because we knew, that if there was a funeral, then maybe we would be given some broth or some soup.
Every day my mother would examine our fingers, because when a person is hungry their body begins to swell, this swelling always begins in the fingers. My mother always checked our fingers to see if there was any sign of swelling. Thank God, somehow we survived. When our grain began to grow in 1932, people collected it whilst it was still green to make flour. Once my father came back from a funeral and brought back a loaf of bread which was so yellow it was almost green.
In 1933 things became worse. My  mother sent me to my grandmother, thinking  it would be better there. Unfortunately it was even worse there. Where we lived, there were also some meadows where we could collect sorrel leaves. But where my grandmother lived, all the sorrel leaves had already been collected. Since there were no sorrel leaves, soup was made from just herbs. This was not tasty. There was an apple tree in the orchard and we collected all the small unripe apples and grated them into the soup so that it was at least a little bit more appealing. But my grandmother never ate apples until harvest time and would not allow us to put apples in her dish. It was hard for me to understand the strong will of my grandmother. No matter how bad the famine got, she refused to touch the apples before harvest time. My grandfather (my fathers father) had a good small holding. He had a garden, some land, horses, pigs and cows. But during the Holodomor he had nothing left, everything was taken from him. Initially, the state imposed a tax and if anybody could not pay this, they took away all their belongings. I remember my mother had a cabinet that she brought with her when she got married. They even took that cabinet. The village  council – those that ruled the village : the head of the Kolhosp; head of the village council; secretary of the village council were given unlimited powers. They did whatever they wanted, they could take property from ordinary village folk. First they took taxes. If somebody could not pay these taxes they took their cows and pigs. Later they took all the food that was in the house. Some people tried to hide food from the authorities, burying it in the soil under the floorboards if they had earthen floors in their homes. The authorities searched for food and grain, dug up gardens, pulled up floors, and whatever food they found, they took.

Some people in the villages said that the authorities kept whatever they took for themselves. My path to school took me past the farmstead of the secretary of the Kolhosp. People used to say that he had fat running down his moustache. In my childhood I imagined that during the famine he had everything, cows, pigs, and that fat did literally pour through his mouth.
Having taken all the cattle from people, in an attempt to create a Kolhosp, all the pigs and cattle were herded into sheds. The cattle would bray because nobody tended to them or fed them. People were forced to go and work in the Kolhosp, but nobody wanted to become members of the Kolhosp, because this would mean you were left with nothing in exchange for becoming a member.
One man described how he had gone to Byelorussia because there was no famine there and you could still get food to eat. He earned some money and brought back some salo(salt-meat) and loaves of bread. But the Komsomolchi – these were young people that were in the Komsimol and preparing to join the communist party, peered through the window saw that he had brought some food back. They immediately entered the house to confiscate the food. Fortunately, his mother managed to throw the salt-meat(salo) into the slop-bucket. She threw it into this dirty water to save it because the activist did not search there. This mans father sent his son to Byelorussia again, but this time he delayed his return because he was raking together some salt. When he returned home, both his mother and father had died. They had already been buried.
The Ukrainian nation suffered great hardship. The famine was horrific. Thank God we somehow survived. What was hardest, was that the famine was created, and our own people took the food from ordinary folk. They also sent people from Moscow, that went through villages, robbing people and confiscating their last items. How many innocent people were lost…….
I had a friend called Halya. When I looked at her, her eyes were like cherries, nice brown eyes. Her father had a small house, with tools for his small holding outside. One day they were arrested, they came to school to fetch Halya and exiled them to Siberia. They were de-kulakized, as were many other good land owners.
In our village there was a family by the name of Drotyv, ginger-haired with lots of children. My mother often gave them things because they were very poor. They took this family Drotyv and put them into the empty house of the good land-owner. In front of my own eyes, this house became dirty and the land unkempt, because they did not know what to do and how to tend the land. After a few years, maybe, before the war, the good land-owner returned home. He wandered round and round the village then disappeared. Nobody knew what became of him.
The good land-owners were destroyed and the village holdings suffered for a long time after this. Those that worked in the Kolhosp did not have the initiative, they did not have the knowledge that the de-kulakized villagers had.. They did not know how to work the land. They were told to do a days work, that was what they did and then went home. But to husband the land – they were incapable. That is how the better people in the village were ruined.
When I came home from my grandmothers, I remember the house being dark. My mother gave me a biscuit, but it was not nice. I took it, started to eat it and began to cry. My mother said to me “What can I give you? There is nothing in the house”.
In 1934 we left to go and live in town. In the town they gave small amounts of bread. One of my friends recalled : when the famine began she was with her mother, at the start of the famine her father went to the Donbas region in search of work. She and her mother went to Kyiv. They didn’t know anybody there and had nowhere to live. They went to the cemetery and slept amongst the gravestones. During the day, the mother left the girl to lie amongst the gravestones or play in the cemetery whilst she went to look for work or get some money to buy bread with. One day, somebody tried to persuade this girl that if she said that she had no mother or father, she would get taken to a childrens home. She didn’t want to say this and she told her mother. On hearing this, her mother took her to the river Dnipre and said “if you go away from me, I will throw myself in the river Dnipre and drown myself”. However, the girl became so hungry, that when she was again approached, she said that she did not have a mother or a father. She was taken to an orphanage where she stayed until the start of the war. Somehow, she managed to get out of the orphanage and went in search of her village so that she could find her mother and father. When she got to the house (her family had been de-kulakized) and said “can I have some water to drink”. Her mother gave her some water and said ”Our own daughter has disappeared somewhere. I do not know where she is”. The girl replied :”Mother, it is I – I am your daughter”.
I have heard many sorrowful tales, of what happened to people during the Holodomor. It was a terrible time. I just thank God that I survived!
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Survivor testimony Andriy Skok

Personal recollections about the Holodomor of Andrij Skok.  Now resides in Halifax West Yorkshire

Andrij Hryhorovycz Skok was born 17 September 1925 in the village of Arbuzynkakh  in the Mykolayivska area of Ukraine. I have one document, a birth certificate which gives my date of birth  in Ukrainian and in Russian.
Between 1927 and 1929 when everybody was being de-kulakized, my father lived on a farmstead in the Mykolayivska area. He had a couple of cows, a couple of horses and a few hectares of land. When I was older I learnt that my father had escaped home but returned after some time for his children and our mother and took us to live in Kyiv on the left bank of the Dnipro opposite the centre of Kyiv. This area was know as Mykolayivska slobidka. We lived here until 1934.
Here I remember seeing a dead boy lying in the street. This was either in 1933 or 1932. I was walking down the street – I remember this clearly even though I am now 83 years old this memory is lodged firmly in my head – there were very few people around, a young boy, maybe 7 or 8 years old was lying dead in the street – nobody paid any attention, people walked around him, passed by him nobody bothered. I crossed the road, there lay a man – he lay uncovered - dead. Again nobody came near, not the police, not the militia- nobody. This I remember. I also remember- where we lived across the river from Kyiv the area was surrounded by steppes. The school I attended was by the woodlands, I remember this clearly as I will never forget as the dead people. To get to the school I had to go through deserted woodlands. There were no houses or habitation, nothing, and I was always told – be careful because they catch children there and eat them. This was in 1932/33 when they ate people. This I remember.
I went to school at the time of Soviet rule. At school it was taboo, nobody spoke about it. Some English journalist were aware of it at the time but when they returned to England and try to recount what they had seen they were told “Shut-up – there is nothing going on there”.
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Survivor testimony Claudia Semjaniv

Personal recollections about the Holodomor - Mrs Klavdia Semyaniv, born 6 September 1925 in the village of Petrovske, Kharkiv region of Ukraine. Now resident in Farsley (nr Bradford), West Yorkshire.

I lived in Ukraine during the years 1932-33 in my parents house. We had a small holding. We were de-kulakazised, they took completely everything< everything, they cleaned us out. We were left, my father, my mother and us four girls.  They cleaned us out to the last piece of grain.
We lived this way for some time, eating potatoes in there skins, potatoes that had been left because they were rotting. Then my father told my mother that he would go to town, to Donetsk, and maybe  he could find some  type of work there then we could go there and things would be better.
During the time that my father was in town my younger sister died from hunger because there was nothing to eat. A short time later, some two weeks or so, another of my sisters died. That left me with my mother and just one sister,  younger  than myself.
Soon after this my father returned from the town. He could not be registered for work because he was from a village, he was de-kulakazised, he was Ukrainian. He was not needed there. When he returned he was thin, battered and tired whilst we were all swollen with distended stomachs because there was nothing to eat, no dogs, no chickens, no pigs, nothing ! We even ate grass,  and fought over it when we found some because we thought that if we rubbed it between our  fingers we could extract some milkwort(milkweed) which we could eat.
Eventually I was the only child left in the house and my mother said, we have only one child left to which my father responded none of us  will  survive. The next morning my  mother  went into the room and found my father dead, he had died during the night – I didn’t know and wanted to climb onto my father and play – I was only a child then, I didn’t understand.
That is how we were left, just me and my mother.
My mother sometimes left me at home on my own. There was nothing in the house to drink from or cook with. People lay dead in the streets, flies ate their eyes out. Nobody paid any attention, they only thought about where they could find something to eat. People were walking about swollen, they were stepping over corpses, but nobody did anything. There was nothing anywhere.
I was left alone by our house. I slept in the garden for I don’t know how many nights before my mother miraculously returned from town.
But at this time the wheatfields in the Kolhosp were full  of bread. But, there were thieves about who, if they saw anybody carrying something that they could feed their child with, they would beat them, take  away whatever they had and not allow them to enter their houses.
When my  mother returned, someone told  her, I don’t know if he was family or who he  was but he said “Maria, take the child, meaning me, and somehow get to  the town maybe you can  be accepted there, because everything here has gone, you won’t survive here. At that time he transported post or  something like that from our  village to town. He took me with him but left my mother behind.
I went with him and we arrived in another village, but I don’t know its name. I was left there to stay with a  woman until my mother arrived. We stayed there a while, my mother would go and beg for some bread and we survived there for some time.
Then, somehow, my mother got us to Donetsk.  My  mother had a brother in  Donetsk and  we went to him. When  we  arrived in  Donetsk, in the  Donbas region, we had nowhere to live, no job, my mother  could not be registered for work as she had no registration,  with no address she could not get any work. We had to sleep on the streets, outside houses and beg for bread.
Eventually, somehow my mother found a job. From that time, once she had found a job and had been registered we went to stay with her brother in a corner of the room. He had a family, so we had to sleep on the floor in a corner. From that moment, my life in Donetsk began.
That is what I can tell you.
But, do you know,
When my sister was dying she said to me- “Klavdia, give me  some milk”.
Every child close to death would ask for some milk, food.  Mother, give me some food  -  but  there  was nothing to give. We were walking around like skeletons.  Our bodies were glowing and we looked as if we had been pumped up. That is how we were.  It was terrible, truly terrible. Nobody  paid any attention to anything. No attention at all.
On the streets in the villages, people, usually children were sitting, here one  sat, dead – there one sat- dead.  Dogs walked by, sniffed them and  even  they didn’t want  to eat them  because they were…..ugh!
It was a terrible time for me  -  one I will never forget.  
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Survivor testimony Kateryna Buryak

Personal recollections about the Holodomor - KATERYNA BURIAK, Born November 1925  Khersonska Region UKRAINE. Now resides in Bradford, West Yorkshire.

It is very difficult for me to talk about the Holodomor. Every time think about it I just want to cry.
There were six of us in our family – my mother and father, two sisters a brother and me.
I remember there was nothing to eat. I walked and walked far and wide with my brother searching for branches and bushes to feed on. My eight month old sister Oksana died first because my mother did not have any milk to feed her with, then my three year old sister Halyna died and then my older brother Philip who was born in 1923 died.
My mother kept telling my father to go to work on the Kolhosp where he would at least get something to eat but he said he would rather die than go there. Sadly, that’s what happened. He died and that left only myself and my mother.
My mother went to work on the Kolhosp and left me on my own all day. At least she came home with a cupful of food every day. I was so young to have to live through all this.
We both survived. Eventually, with the help of my mothers sister, we were able to grow crops when the famine ended, but it was so hard getting used to there just being the two of us where there had been six.
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Survivor testimony Myhaylo Khutornyj

Personal recollections about the Holodomor of Rev M Hutorny. Now resides in Bradford, West Yorkshire

I was born on 24th April 1924 in Kryvorizza. During the famine my parents left the village. I remember my father laid down in the house. There was nothing left that we could exchange for food. He could not survive this fate and died on the 17 June 1932. My mother was pregnant at this time and three days after my fathers death my sister Halyna was born.
My mother went to work a mine, because workers were given 250 grams of bread. She worked for five years in the iron-ore mines. My mothers father, my grand-father, lived 3 kilometres from us and worked as a bread delivery man. He would collect morsels of bread, there was no packaging them, and bring them to us.
Also, in order to survive we collected weeds to make soup. However, at that there was not even any salt around.
I remember when we buried my father. It was at the time that the acacia was flowering. I  left  the house and my father died.  After he had died, I went to his workplace so that they would help dig a grave for him. Six men came but were frightened of digging a grave as they did not think they would be able to climb out themselves once it had been dug.. They did however prepare the grave and we buried my father. To this day I do not know where that grave is. I remember were the cemetery was, but exactly where in the cemetery I do not know. My mother later told me that before his death, my father told her that if he lived on, I would grow up successfully but without him around he feared not. That is why my mother made sure that I received some education. She worked hard all her life.
I used to walk about 2 km to get some bread, but at that time, you could only get bread if you climbed over peoples heads or inbetween their legs because of  the queues. I would cut off a piece and sell it immediately to buy some milk.
In 1932 – this was just the beginning – all the kulaks were removed. My father did not admit it at the time, but my grandfather was exiled “to the new land”. He lived there for 13 years, and we did not see him until 1942.
The famine was such that when we set off in the morning, we would see dead bodies in the streets. We used to go to the banks of the river to pull up reeds to eat.
My sister Halya was 2 years old by now but she could not stand on her own legs. We bought her one bottle of milk each week. We used to pick turnips to give her too.
That period was sorrowful. Many of our family died. My father had 3 sisters – they all died. My mothers brother was shot over some ears of wheat. He went to the field to gather some wheat and was shot there.
I also used to go to the station, as the wagons pulled in you could usually collect something or other. One man said to me “lets go, the troop train is coming and we should be able to get some corn”. We went and filled our pockets. He was arrested and imprisoned for 6 years for that. I was young then, so avoided punishment.
Once I was stopped on the bridge and asked what I was carrying. I had some bread. I was crying and one of them said “Let him go”. Fortunately they did let me go.
It was a miracle that we remained alive. In Kryviy Rih, there was iron ore, so they still supplied bread there. The communists showed their power and satisfaction through the suffering of people. I saw how a communist ate: he ate 3 varenyki and threw 2 away. We boys watched and waited so that we could get any leftovers.
 Ukrainian wheat was transported through our station somewhere. If anybody got too close they were shot by the guards.
Somehow, thanks to God – we survived. It is a fact, that it was mass murder.
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