July 7th Alternative Hypotheses
What else might have happened?
IntroductionThe  original version of this article was first  written in early 2006, with the headings of each hypothesis adapted from  an even earlier  incarnation. Almost immediately after the  terrible  event itself, rumours and accusations began to appear on the  internet,  inevitable comparisons were made with previous attacks such  as 9/11 and  the Madrid train bombs and hypotheses relating to these  previous  events were applied, along with others which related  specifically to  events of July 7th  2005. In the absence of any serious questioning from  mainstream  sources, the intention of this article was simply to list  the various  potential alternative scenarios as a record of what had  been proposed and why.
The  scant quantity (and quality) of information  sources available at the time is reflected in the original article and  nearly four years after the bombings  in London of July 7th 2005, much  of the information  contained in the original article is out of date, no  longer as relevant, or has  been clarified or expounded upon to raise  different questions. 
Over  the last couple of years, more information  has been drip-fed to the  public regarding background events to July 7th  – such as  the knowledge of the suspects which the security services  possessed,  other individuals implicated in the media and peripheral  individuals  and events. It is for this reason that the article has been  updated  to include all relevant information that was later made  available;  the headings of each hypothesis remain the same  but the  analyses have now been substantially rewritten and extended so that each   hypothesis is evaluated, and the merits and flaws of each one   discussed.
The writing of this article occurred as the trial  of the three men accused of  conspiring with the deceased July 7th  suspects ended with  the jury failing to reach a verdict. The defendants  were later retried and found not guilty of the charge that they had  conspired with the alleged London bombers.
J7: The  July 7th Truth Campaign have often been  referred to as 'Conspiracy Theorists' and the original intent behind  this article  was to demonstrate exactly how many suggested 'conspiracy'  scenarios could have occurred to have engendered the horrific event  that was  the London bombings. Most of these hypotheses, if not all, do  not  even qualify for 'theory' status since they remain untested,  unproven  and with an unsatisfactory quantity of data to validate them –  including what is commonly referred to as the 'official conspiracy   theory', since not only is there still a paucity of evidence to prove it  beyond reasonable doubt, but it is also contradicted by other  'official'  information. 
J7 has never promulgated any of these hypotheses  above  any other since the purpose to our campaign is to try and  establish the  facts, something we will continue to campaign for until  this end is  achieved and the full truth about what happened on 7th July  2005 is known.
Almost  three years after this article was first  written it is shameful and saddening to  note that we are still no  closer to a coherent, cohesive and factual  account regarding how 56  people came to lose their lives in London on July 7th 2005.
Here we discuss a short sample of possible  alternative hypotheses to the official  conspiracy theory about how 7/7  came to be. It is by no means a  complete or comprehensive list, merely a  few possible alternatives for  consideration. There are, of course,  many other possibilities.
Note: All comments on the J7 Alternative Hypotheses articles will be added to a single comment thread. When commenting, please specify the hypothesis to which you are referring.
Alternative Hypotheses Navigation
1. al-Qa'ida mastermind recruited British Muslims as suicide bombers
2. al-Qa'ida mastermind recruited British Muslims, but duped them in so far as the latter did not know they were going to die in the explosions.
3. Homegrown and autonomous action by four British Muslims with no mastermind.
4. Any of the above plots could have been monitored by one or more secret 'service' (MI5, MI6, CIA, Mossad, GIA) but they let it happen on purpose in order to exploit the subsequent situation.
5. The men thought they were going to strike a blow for Palestine, Afghanistan, Iraq, etc and go to Heaven as 'martyrs' because they had been groomed and encouraged and equipped by an al-Qa'ida mastermind who was actually working for one of the State agencies or a rogue network straddling one or more of them with their own agenda.
6. The four men thought they were going to be delivering drugs or money to various locations round London, but were deceived, set up and murdered along with the others on their tubes and bus when their back packs exploded.
7. As above but the men thought they were carrying dummy 'bombs' because they were participating in an exercise testing London transport's defences against backpack bombers.
8. The four men were chosen or lured in to be patsies in a classic 'false flag operation' or frame-up by a network involved with one or more of the intelligence services.
9. The original story of a 'power surge' was correct, if one understands the term 'power surge' outside of its implied electrical context.
July 7th Alternative Hypotheses
8. The four men were chosen or lured in to be patsies in a classic 'false flag operation' or frame-up by a network involved with one or more of the intelligence services.
This hypothesis is  grounded both in a disturbing  concept of the committing of a  'terrorist attack' by the secret  services of a particular nation  against its own people, subsequently  blamed on a specific, desired  'enemy' to justify either an invasion,  'retaliatory' attack or more more authoritarian methods of rule, and   also as a consequence of the many flaws in the 'official' account of   the bombs in London in 2005.
The notion of what  is commonly known as 'false  flag' terrorism has been exemplified  throughout history. In 1931, in  what became known as The  Manchurian Incident,  members  of the Japanese Guandong Army blew up a few metres of South   Manchurian Railway track near Shenyang (then known as Mukden) which  was  on their own territory, blamed it on Chinese saboteurs, and used  the  event as an excuse to seize Mukden from the Chinese. In the Gleiwitz Incident  of 1939, German Gestapo operatives dressed as Polish soldiers seized  a  German radio station in Gleiwitz, Upper Silesia, broadcast an   inflammatory message in Polish and 'planted' several convicts from a   nearby concentration camp, also dressed in Polish uniforms, killed  earlier with poison and gunshots,  to make it look as if the  attack had come from Poland. This incident, one of several which came  under the umbrella of Operation  Himmler, is what triggered Hitler's invasion of Poland the next  day; September 1st  1939. 
In more  recent times, secret service operatives  were found to have been  involved in terrorist attacks that took place  in Italy throughout and  either side of the 1970s – a period generally  referred to as the strategy  of tension – one of the more notable of these being the Bologna  Station massacre of 1980. As mentioned in Hypothesis 4, the  Algerian secret service - The  Département du Renseignement et de la Sécurité (DRS) –  frequently infiltrated  'Islamist' groups, disguised themselves as such and committed  'terrorist attacks' during the Algerian Civil War in the 1990s. 
The DRS - the Algerian secret service - systematically infiltrated insurrectionary Islamist groups such as the GIA and from 1992 onwards launched its own fake guerrilla groups, including death squads disguised as Islamists. In 1994, the DRS managed to place Jamel Zitouni, one of the Islamists it controlled, at the head of the GIA."It became impossible to distinguish the genuine Islamists from those controlled by the regime," says Salima Mellah, of the NGO Algeria Watch. "Each time the generals came under pressure from the international community, the terror intensified".Source: The Guardian
There  is strong evidence, as noted in the  Guardian article quoted above,  that the DRS was responsible for the  1995 Paris metro bombings, in  which eight people died. An unedited  version of the article goes on  to relate how the 'mastermind' of the  attack not only evaded capture  but lives now in a protected area of  Algiers whilst those who have  been tried and imprisoned for the attack,  such as Rachid  Ramda – who strongly maintains his innocence to this day - were  only found guilty 'by association', 
So what happened to the perpetrators? While several people, mainly French from North African backgrounds,,were found guilty of ‘association with terrorism’, the masterminds of the main attack were never caught. Strangely, despite being publicly identified by the Algerian authorities as the European ringleader of the GIA, named by French investigators as the key organiser and known by them since 1993, Ali Touchent miraculously managed to evade capture and returned to Algeria where he settled, very publicly, in a highly secure police quarter of Algiers.Source: Red Pepper
Noted  in Hypothesis 5 was the proposal by the US administration in 2002 to  create a group known as the Proactive,  Preemptive Operations Group (P2OG).  The aim of the group would be  to undertake covert military operations  designed to provoke a  'terrorist attack' in response which would then  allow the US to  counter attack.
Responsibility and accountability for the P2OG would be vested in a "Special Operations Executive" in the National Security Council (NSC). The NSC would plan operations but not oversee their execution in order to avoid comparisons to past abuses, such as the Iran-Contra operations run out of the NSC by Oliver North during the Reagan administration. Under the board's proposal, NSC plans would be executed by the Pentagon or the CIA.Source: Asia Times
Forty  years previously, such an 'operation' was conceived and proposed –  although it was  not carried out. Operation  Northwoods was set forth in a document titled “Justification  for US Military Intervention in Cuba (Top Secret)”. At the  time, there was no justification for such intervention and the aim of  operations such as Northwoods and Operation  Mongoose, was that the US would create it by staging attacks  which would then be blamed on Cuba. The detailed plans were listed in  the Annex  to Appendix to Enclosure A and included suggestions such as “We could blow up a US ship in  Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba” and,
It is possible to create an incident which will demonstrate convincingly that a Cuban aircraft has attacked and shot down a chartered civil airliner enroute from the United States to Jamaica, Guatemala, Panama or Venezuela. The destination would be chosen only to cause the flight plan route to cross Cuba. The passengers could be a group of college students off on a holiday or any grouping of persons with a common interest to support chartering a non-scheduled flight.Source: National Archives
The  documents were released under the Clinton  administration of the 1990s  – ironically partly in response to public  interest in 'conspiracy  theories' surrounding the Kennedy assassination  which had been  roused by the Oliver Stone film JFK. US Congress  responded by  allowing the public greater access to documents relating  to Kennedy  and his murder.
Some might dismiss such covert plans and plots to  manipulate public opinion in favour of predetermined courses of actions  that suit the requirements of ruling class agendas as something that no  longer happens. However, a more recent example includes the stunning revelation that George Bush, with seeming support from Tony Blair, 'plotted to lure Saddam into war with fake UN plane':
The two leaders [Bush and Blair] were worried by the lack of hard evidence that Saddam Hussein had broken UN resolutions, though privately they were convinced that he had. According to the memorandum, Mr Bush said: "The US was thinking of flying U2 reconnaissance aircraft with fighter cover over Iraq, painted in UN colours. If Saddam fired on them, he would be in breach."He added: "It was also possible that a defector could be brought out who would give a public presentation about Saddam's WMD, and there was also a small possibility that Saddam would be assassinated." The memo damningly suggests the decision to invade Iraq had already been made when Mr Blair and the US President met in Washington on 31 January 2003  when the British Government was still working on obtaining a second UN resolution to legitimise the conflict.Source: The Independent
See also this Channel 4 News video report for additional information.
Europe  has a similar history of covert operations, most notably Operation  Gladio,  which, once dismissed as a 'conspiracy theory', has now been acknowledged  and confirmed.  Further detail about Gladio operations in Italy, and the subsequent  revelations about similar operations by NATO's secret armies in other  European countries, can be found in Hypotheses 9.
Whilst  on the topic of operational codenames, it is intriguing to note that  the codename for the July 7th  investigation is Stepford.  The connotations of this word are especially interesting; the dictionary  reference  given for the word is an adjective, “pertaining to a person with a   conforming and compliant attitude, much like a robot”. Was  'Stepford'  chosen to reflect the 'drone' roles of the men set up for  the  operation?
In  light of such  facts regarding how so many  states have manufactured attacks to  employ as a pretext or  justification for war, it is easy to see why  such speculation might be  applied to the catastrophic events in  London. In July 2005, Mark Faulk,  the author of an article titled 'London  Calling' pointedly asked the  salient question, “Who benefits from  this?”
Tony Blair has stated, along with other terrorism experts that this bombing is linked to the beginning of the G8 Summit in Scotland – To cast a cloud over the proceedings. Of the several countries represented at the G8 Summit, only The United States, Great Britain, Japan, and Italy are over in Iraq right now. Why coincide a bombing with an event, only a few hundred miles away that has so many other countries present that are either neutral or opposed to the war? Why risk bringing in further support for the occupying forces from those countries?The leaders of Russia, France, and Germany have since pledged their support and solidarity in the wake of the bombings. How does this help any “Islamic Militant” cause? Great Britain’s Ministry of Defense had just, days before, announced that they were going to be pulling massive numbers of troops out. Why do something to reverse that course of action? There is no benefit from executing this bombing if you happen to be a terrorist, strategic or otherwise. If you were to look at this act from a “cost/reward” perspective, it would be akin to gambling with the rent or taking your life savings to the dog track. It makes absolutely no sense.Source: Faulking Truth
The UK government  has certainly capitalised  on the fear instilled by the event in London on 7th July 2005. 
Tony Blair made fervent speech on the day of the attacks promising that  the terrorists would “never succeed in destroying what we hold dear in  this country”.   He then proceeded to set about doing exactly that, with the   introduction of tougher and more draconian anti-terror legislation than   could ever have been imagined at the time of the furore over the   comparatively lenient 1974 measures that were considered “unprecedented  in peacetime”. This is before we even consider the fact that the UK is now the most  spied upon nation in the so-called 'free' world with increasing  attempts to remove individual privacy – all of which are  defended and justified by the government in the name of protection  from terrorism. Hypotheses 9  covers some of the European precedents for acts of terrorism that were  immediately ascribed to an established 'enemy of the State', yet which  later turned out to be quite the opposite of the stories that the  official narratives espoused.
In the UK, the police have a most appalling  record for honestly identifying and  securing convictions of terrorists.  In numerous cases it was found  that police deliberately tampered with  evidence, forced confessions  from suspects and withheld information  that would have proven their  innocence. Several major terrorist attacks  in the UK have occurred for  which the true perpetrators were never  caught and for which innocent  people were convicted instead. Notable  cases include those of the Birmingham  Six, the Guildford  Four, the Maguire  Seven, Judith  Ward and Danny  McNamee. 
Since the  authorities have yet to offer up all  the evidence which would  back up the Home Office report into the  bombings in London, as published on  May 11th 2006, it could be argued  that it has no business  imposing 1984-esque restrictions on the general  population as a result.
In June 2007, Channel  4 News  commissioned a survey of 500 British Muslims which  revealed that  around a quarter did not believe that the four  identified suspects were  responsible for the bombings – and  additionally, that approximately  the same number believed that the  attacks had been staged by the  authorities. Over half those surveyed  believed that security services  have fabricated evidence to convict  terror suspects. Channel 4 news  received a huge response from  viewers, including “dozens” pointing out  that it is not  just Muslims who question the official narrative, prompting the  reporter to reply, “This is of course true and I should have  reflected the fact”.
 The most notable  anomalies in the 'official account' of the events of July 7th  2005 are summarised here and here  on the J7 site. Many of the issues which have been elaborated on have   actually generated even more questions which still await answers. One   example of this is the issue of the lack of CCTV proving the suspects   were at the scenes of any of the explosions, which has swelled since  a  host of footage of the suspects from the morning of July 7th  2005 was released  in April 2008  at the trial of three men accused of conspiring  with the four alleged  perpetrators of the bombings. None of the CCTV  released showed the  suspects at the stations or locations where the  blasts occurred –  although it did show them at other London  locations, such as King's  Cross Thameslink and  outside King's Cross station. Prior to  this, only  one still image had ever been released of all four  suspects together,  captured outside Luton station, some thirty miles  from the scenes of  the crime.
The most notable  anomalies in the 'official account' of the events of July 7th  2005 are summarised here and here  on the J7 site. Many of the issues which have been elaborated on have   actually generated even more questions which still await answers. One   example of this is the issue of the lack of CCTV proving the suspects   were at the scenes of any of the explosions, which has swelled since  a  host of footage of the suspects from the morning of July 7th  2005 was released  in April 2008  at the trial of three men accused of conspiring  with the four alleged  perpetrators of the bombings. None of the CCTV  released showed the  suspects at the stations or locations where the  blasts occurred –  although it did show them at other London  locations, such as King's  Cross Thameslink and  outside King's Cross station. Prior to  this, only  one still image had ever been released of all four  suspects together,  captured outside Luton station, some thirty miles  from the scenes of  the crime. One of the reasons  given for the refusal to publicly release any CCTV footage was that  it could potentially prejudice  future trials. Yet footage was released at the trial of three men  who were “not  directly involved”  in the London bombings and not even accused  of being in London that  morning. Moreover, in April 2007, just after  the three men had  been charged, DAC Peter Clarke, who had headed the investigation,  gave the clear suggestion that there was a probability  of even more trials in the future, and indeed the charge against  the three men included the words “and  others”,  so the revealing of the CCTV in April 2008 – which  as previously  mentioned fails to prove the guilt of anybody –  actually makes little  sense under this reasoning. 
In July 2006, the  government admitted  the Official Report was wrong, after it had been repeatedly  pointed out – notably by J7: The July 7th  Truth Campaign twice  in seven days in The  Guardian  newspaper that the train that the authorities claim had  transported  the suspects from Luton to King's Cross Thameslink could  not have done  so because that  train did  not run at all that morning.  However, the admittance of the error  raised even more contention,  since John Reid blamed Scotland Yard for  passing on the erroneous train  time – which a  spokesperson denied. The Official Report was amended  a second time in August 2007 – and, once again, caused even  more confusion than it had done  previously.
Other notable  anomalies include the identifying documents, mentioned in Hypothesis  2,  which had so quickly and helpfully led the police to the  suspects, that had been 'scattered  around the carriages prior to the explosions' – something which  would have been virtually impossible to do – and do unnoticed at  that – in trains filled to crush  capacity as they were that morning.
Some witness  testimony that appeared to  contradict the account of bombs in  backpacks led to speculation that  the bombs may have been planted  under the trains. One of the most well  known of these came from  Aldgate survivor Bruce Lait, interviewed by  The Cambridge Evening  News just after being discharged from hospital,
"The policeman said 'mind that hole, that's where the bomb was'. The metal was pushed upwards as if the bomb was underneath the train. They seem to think the bomb was left in a bag, but I don't remember anybody being where the bomb was, or any bag," he said.Source: Cambridge Evening News
Guardian journalist  Mark Honigsbaum had interviewed  survivors from the Edgware Road blast whose statements also  seemed to indicate that the explosion had originated under the floor  of the train.
Another anomalous  detail is the apparent  incongruence of the suspects taking the action  they are alleged to have  taken. The Official Report, when covering  the early lives of the  suspects, wrote, “Conspiracy  theories also abounded, at least some of  the bombers seem to have  expressed the view that the 9/11 attacks were a  plot by the US”  which doesn't quite explain why they would then go on  to carry out an  act similar to one which they allegedly believed had  been state  sponsored. 
Hasib  Hussain's father and brother told of how incredible they found it to  equate the boy they knew, who could not even bring  himself to kill insects,  with the cold blooded killer described  in the media. Parents who knew  Mohammad Sidique Khan through his work  at Hillside school were “stunned”  when told that the popular community figure was one of the bombers  and those who knew Shehzad  Tanweer and Jermaine  Lindsay were equally shocked.
Only two of the  suspects – Mohammad Sidique Khan  and Shehzad Tanweer appear to have  made highly questionable 'martyrdom  videos', as discussed in  Hypotheses 1 and 2. Why would not all those  involved in the operation  have made a video? Interestingly, during the  2008 trial of eight  people charged with conspiring to murder and  endanger life aboard  aircraft, a similar video made by one of the  defendants was brought  into question: 
A threatening video made by a terror suspect was a warning about potential future action - not a suicide message, jurors have been told.Umar Islam made a "chilling" 15-minute video under the instruction of co-defendant Ahmed Ali days before their arrest over an alleged suicide plot to blow up transatlantic passenger jets in August 2006.Laurence McNulty QC told Woolwich Crown Court a video made by Islam, 30, who grew up in High Wycombe, was meant for a propaganda documentary aimed at changing British foreign policy by threatening terrorism.Source: Bucks Free Press
The ambiguous nature of the videos  made by Khan  and Tanweer, in which they made no specific threat  related to what  happened in London on July 7th 2005, could  suggest they were made for  the same purpose and then used later on to  fill the 'back story'. Worth  noting that Umar Islam's "chilling" video referred to above apparently  wasn't as 'chilling' as reports suggest, or convincing either, and the jury did not convict him.
Ex-Mossad head Efraim Halevi's  observation on  the day of the attacks, as previously mentioned in  Hypotheses 2 and 4,  that the bombings were a “near-perfect  execution”,  along with his apparent knowledge that the  explosions had been  simultaneous at a time when the police initially  believed they had been  staggered has also been considered to lend  weight to this hypothesis.  Added to the reported  forewarning given to Israeli finance minister Benjamin Netanyahu,  as discussed in Hypothesis 4 and the fact that an Israeli security  company had recently been selected by Metronet to install  and maintain CCTV   systems on the underground, suggested to some  that not only might the  Israeli security service have known in  advance of the attacks but that  they may have been involved in the  operation. 
This  hypothesis can easily be combined with one  or more of those listed  above – and indeed Fazal Rahman Ph.D did  precisely that in his  article 'On  the hypothesis of the article on London bombings'.   Rahman proposed that the men were duped, either by being told they   were delivering drugs, money, or documents to various locations  around  the capital – or that they were under the impression they  were taking  part in a counter-terrorism exercise. They were then  either killed  before the explosions occurred and their body parts  planted later or  someone followed the men on to the trains to make  sure they were there  before leaving the explosives near the men and  leaving the train. 
This  hypothesis is interesting due to the early reports of a 'fifth  man' seen with the suspects on video, and  suggestions that even a sixth  person may have been involved, after  “primed  bombs” were allegedly found in the boot  of the Nissan  Micra  in which three of the men had  travelled from Leeds to Luton and left  parked in the station car  park, which the suspects rather mystifyingly  left there. A report  appeared in The  Times  in July 2006 that a 'fifth bomber'  had pulled out of participating in  the operation at the last minute.  This story seemed to disappear  without trace and indeed the Official  Report into the London bombings  had denied that a fifth man – or  further “bombers” were involved,  stating, 
There was at the time of the attacks, reports of a “5th bomber”. It was thought, because of witness statements and CCTV, that there was a “5th man” with the group travelling down from Luton. Inquiries showed the individual was a regular commuter and he was eliminated from the inquiry......There is no intelligence to indicate that there was a fifth or further bombers.Source: Report of the Official Account of the Bombings in London on 7th July 2005
Oddly,  though, when the cousin of Mohammad  Sidique Khan's widow was arrested  over a year after this in May 2007,  on suspicion of having prior  knowledge of the attacks, his  interrogation by police included the  demand “Were  you the fifth bomber?”.  This suggests  that the police, at least, still considered that others  were involved  even after the Home Office had played this notion down.  In  consideration of Rahman's hypothesis, one possible explanation for   the “lack of intelligence” given to the Home Office for the  Official  Report is that the 'fifth man' was in fact a security  service operative  involved  in some way in the 'duping' of the men.
Unsurprisingly, this hypothesis is  one which  tends to garner an extremely negative response from  critics. One of the  most common rebuttals is that if such a  'conspiracy' really had taken  place, it would be impossible to keep  it quiet. This is not an invalid  criticism – although it's worth  bearing in mind this quote referring to  the state conspiracy of the Iran-Contra  Scandal, 
Many like to brush off notions of vast conspiracies, saying how could so many people keep a secret? This affair was ongoing for five years without a peep from any participants! The Kennedy assassination was, after all, in the end, a one day event. But this went on for five years before story started coming out, and it involved thousands of participants. When people want to keep something secret, they can.Source: Real History Archives
However, it is fair to say that as  much as the  official narrative for the events of July 7th  2005 has very little  evidence to back it up, much less prove the case conclusively, this  hypothesis is in the same position and is equally lacking in proof. 
Some proponents have not helped  their 'cause' by  confusing even the most simple facts; bringing more  obfuscation to an  issue which was complex enough to start with. The  film 'Terrorstorm'   – made by Alex Jones - contained the claim that the bombings were   carried out to affect the results of the General Election, which in fact  had  taken place two months prior to the attacks. Others have made  films  going far beyond pointing out the flaws in the official story and   replacing it with an even  more flawed and evidence-free narrative. 
Conclusions have  been drawn on the basis of  false information; it was claimed that the  ill-fated No.30 bus was the  only bus to be diverted that morning,  prompting immediate suspicion.  However, J7 researchers subsequently  discovered that this story is false  and provably so;  at least two other buses were in Tavistock  Square on the morning of  7th July 2005 that do not enter Tavistock  Square as part of their usual  route. These buses were a number 205  directly ahead of the number 30  and a 390 ahead of the 205. 
In addition, conclusions have also been drawn on  the basis of highly ambivalent  information. Metal being twisted upwards  on the train carriage floor, as described by Bruce Lait, does not  automatically prove that the  explosion originated underneath the floor  of the train. Since all the damaged  carriages were scrapped, there is no way of gaining verification  of this, unless the images of the crime scenes are released for public scrutiny.
Much of this  hypothesis relies on stochastic  principles rather than actual  evidence. There is no explanation, for  instance, regarding how the  men came to be implicated in the 'plot'.  Several of the hypotheses  listed above suggest reasons why they might  have been 'duped', but there is nothing concrete which proves any of  them, how it was done  and by whom. As mentioned in Hypothesis 1, 'terror pundit' John  Loftus had claimed in July 2005  that Haroon Aswat, claimed by  many media reports to be the  'mastermind' behind the attacks, was  working for British Intelligence  agency MI6 as a “double agent”.  This claim was greeted with interest by  many who suspect security  service involvement in the London bombings; a  double agent, after  all, could have been the 'link' that drew the four  suspects into the  operation. However, as also discussed in Hypothesis 1,  Loftus' claim  is based on information that has easily been refuted. It  is also  interesting to note that a fellow trader at the market where  Aswat  used to sell CDs and DVDs in Johannesburg remarked, “I would not  be  surprised if all these claims against Aswat have  been trumped up because he used to defy the authorities.”
The numerous flaws,  inconsistencies, speculation  and lack of evidence in the Home Office report most certainly need to  be publicised which is why J7 campaigns  for these to be clarified, and  for all the evidence  to be released.  J7 do not refer to the suspects as 'bombers' for this  very reason. The  contention is not that the suspects are innocent  because the state  committed the attack instead; the contention is  that the state has thus  far failed to prove  its own hypothesis under the tenets of its own  system of law in which anyone charged or accused of a crime is held to  be "innocent until proven guilty".
 
 
 
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