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Wednesday, October 17, 2012

INTRODUCTION TO JULIUS EVOLA



INTRODUCTION TO JULIUS EVOLA 

Thompkins & Cariou - "Evola As He Is" 
http://thompkins cariou.tripod.com/id2.html 



We are proud to present the first translation ever of Tre Aspetti del Problema Ebraico', Evola's 
very first work on the problem of race, into English (1). As a matter of fact, it is the first 
translation of a racial work by Evola into English. 

Outside Italy, and not solely by the Anglo-Saxon public, Evola is considered above all as a 
metaphysician, a philosopher, a traditional thinker, an esotericist, for famous works such as 
'Rivolta Contro il Mondo Moderno', 'Cavalcare la Tigre', 'Gli Uomini e le Rovine', 'La Dottrina 
del Risveglio' and 'Introduzione alia Magia', all translated into most of the major Indo-European 
languages. In Italy, on the other hand, and to quote Evola himself in what may be called, for lack 
of a better word, his autobiography, II Cammino del Cinabro' (Scheiwiller, Milan, 1963) (The 
Road of Cinnabar') (2), things appear in a different light: "Many people in Italy came to know 
me only as the author of a book on race and the label of racist, not easy to shake off, was given to 
me, as if I hadn't turned my attention to anything else (...). In reality, I endeavoured to apply to 
the problems of race principles of a higher and spiritual nature ; this field, to me, was completely 
subordinate (...). Even in this field, I was consistent in my behaviour, and, in the context of the 
whole of my work, there is nothing that I wrote then that I would now deny". What those 
'principles of a higher and spiritual nature' were, we shall see later on. 

Evola's racial writing stretches over five years, from 1936 to 1941, and yet it should not be 
assumed that his interest in the problem in question suddenly began in 1936 to vanish just as 
suddenly in 1941. Traces of an Evolian racial doctrine can be found in his numerous 
collaborations with the paper Vita Nuova (from 1927) and with Giovani Preziosi's paper La Vita 
Italiana (from 1931), and, as early as 1928, II Lavoro d'ltalia published an article by him in 
which, while refuting the Darwinian evolutionist theory, he denied beforehand all the solutions 
that Rosenberg was to propose to the problem of race for his own country two years later in 'The 
Myth of the XXth Century'. Evola's interest in the problem of race can even be detected in some 
of the articles he wrote for the 'Ur e Krur' group, through his focusing on the concepts of elite, of 
hierarchy, of aristocratic nature and of Imperium. In 'Revolt Against the Modern World' (1934), 
to which the reader of Tndirizzi per una Educazione Razziale' (Elements for a Racial Education') 
and of 'Sintesi di Dottrina della Razza' ('Synthesis of Racial Doctrine') will be constantly 
referred, the spiritual categories put forward by Evola ('Olympian' or 'solar' race, 'Demetrian' or 
'lunar' race, and so on), based on Bachofen's morphology of cultures (Patriarchal 
society/Matriarchal society ; Solar spirituality/Lunar spirituality ; aristocratic ethic/collectivist 
ideal) are imbued with racial considerations that are closely linked to a metaphysic of history, 
and, in 'The Doctrine of Awakening' (1943), the Aryan nature of the earliest and purest Buddhist 
teaching is the subject of a whole chapter, and the 'spiritual, aristocratic and racial meaning' of 
the word Arya' itself is repeatedly stressed. 

Evola wrote four books on the problem of race, whose titles are all explicit; 'Tre Aspetti del 
Problema Ebraico' (Mediterranee, Roma, 1936 ; Ar, Padova, 1978, 1994) is the first of them ; 
it was published at the end of 1936, but it should be pointed out that its three chapters had 
previously appeared, over a period of a few weeks, several months earlier, in an Italian paper 
called Corporatismo Fascisto ; there followed in 1937 'II Mito del Sangue' (The Myth of Blood'), 
a work commissioned by the publisher Hoepli ('revised and expanded', again by Hoepli, in 1942, 
with thirty pages or so more ; Ar Padova, 1978 ; SeaR, Borzano, 1995). Subsequently, Evola was 
asked to write the preface of the second Italian edition of the 'Protocols of the Elders of Zion', 
published by Giovani Preziosi in 1938, a year that saw the promulgation of racial laws by 
Mussolini, justified and made necessary by the ceaseless attitude of hostility, which can be 
evidenced by many documents, of various Jewish international organisations against Europe and 
the European peoples, and dictated, to quote Evola, by "the will to brace the sense of race and of 
racial dignity in the relationships with the indigenes in the new empire", as well as by "problems 
of inner, selective, cultural and ethnic nature" ('Mussolini e il Razzismo', in II Meridiano d'ltalia, 
December 1951). 

Following these first Italian racist laws, two Offices of Race were created, one in the Ministry of 
the Interior, the other in the Ministry of Popular Culture, "which, to explain and define essential 
aspects of the problems of race, (proposed) to develop a programme of research and propaganda, 
whose aim is to reveal to all Italian citizens the features of the Italian race and exalt its millennial 
virtue", and, to this end, committed a small number of Italian academics to the task of 
determining the policy of Fascism on racial questions. The 'Manifesto del Razzismo Italiano' 
('The Manifesto of Italian Racism') that emerged from this group the same year was published in 
the very first issue of La Difesa della Razza, edited by Telesio Interlandi, who, according to a 
scholar who studied Mussolini's views on the Jewish problem, was commissioned by the Duce, 
in early 1937, to launch a racial and, later on, also an anti- Jewish campaign through this paper. 
Evola started to collaborate from January 1939, with articles such as 'Metodologia Razzista - 1 
Tre Gradi del Problema della Razza' ('Racial Methodology - The Three Degrees of the Problem 
of Race') and 'Razzismo di Secondo Grado - La Razza dell'Anima' ('Racism of the Second 
Degree - The Race of the Soul'), whose content prefigured that of some chapters of Evola's first 
organic work on the problem of race: 'Sintesi di Dottrina della Razza', which was published in 
1941, again by Hoepli (Ar, Padova, 1978, 1994) ; finally, the same year, a collective lampoon, 
'Gli Ebrei Hanno Voluto la Guerra' ('The Jews Wanted War'), to which Evola contributed a text 
called La Civilta Occidentale e l'lntelligenza Ebraica' (The Western Civilisation and Jewish 
Intelligence') appeared, as did Tndirizzi per una Educazione Razziale' (Conte, Napoli, 1941 ; Ar, 
Padova, 1994). Before going any further, we would like to emphasise that the term 'racism' in 
Evola's work must be understood as 'racial theory', as a theory of the hierarchy of races, not as an 
attitude of violent hostility against any given racial group. 

After Mussolini read 'Sintesi di Dottrina della Razza', he not only explicitly authorised Evola to 
call the German edition 'Grundrisse der Faschistischen Rassenlehre' (E. Runge, Berlin, 1943) 
('Synthesis of Fascist Racial Doctrine'), and, therefore, to present Evola's formulations as official 
Fascist positions, but also he invited him to collaborate with the Italian authorities to rectify 
some ambiguous positions assumed and spread by other Italian racial theorists, while supporting, 
to a certain extent, the initiatives taken by Evola himself abroad, initiatives that consisted in 
creating in Germany and, in general, in the Austro-German world, an aristocratic traditional 
front, which, in collaboration with the best elements of Fascist Italy, would have endeavoured to 
halt and neutralise the corrosive action of the forces of subversion, all of which, from their 
democratic and liberal to their Marxist components, were known to be organised and ruled by a 
secret and unitary Jewish and Masonic conspiracy. For this purpose, Evola reckoned it was 
necessary to awake consciences by unmasking the tactics used by the forces of worldwide 
subversion to achieve their goals and by drawing people's attention to the necessity of restoring 
as fundamental points of reference the root ideas and the myths related to the culture and the 
values of the ancient Roman Aryan and Nordic Aryan worlds: themes that he was to set out, 
analyse and explain during a set of lectures he gave in Germany and in Hungary in 1938, at the 
invitation of very exclusive German aristocratic circles to which he belonged and of 
representatives of the Conservative-Revolutionary movement with which he had spiritual 
affinities. He had already lectured in Germany, though, back in 1934, at a university in Berlin, at 
the second Nordisches Thing in Bremen and at the Herrenklub of Heinrich von Gleichen, an 
aristocrat with whom he was to establish a 'cordial and fruitful ' friendship, and it is most likely 
at that time that Himmler first heard of him. 

It seemed, for a while, that this tour had borne fruit, since, from 1939 to 1941, much was said 
about a collaboration between Fascist Italy and the Third Reich in the field of political and racial 
policy, under the care of the director of the Ufficio per lo Studio del Problema Razziale nel 
Ministero della Cultura Populare and the head of the Ahnenerbe, Walter Gross, whom Evola met 
at that time, along with Rosenberg. Further developments in this area were thwarted, mainly, 
according to Evola himself, because of pressures exerted by Catholic Italian circles on Mussolini 
and representatives of the 'zoological' Italian racism. Specifically, this German-Italian 
collaboration should have given birth to a bilingual periodical (both in German and in Italian) 
publication meant to overcome the biological materialist reductionism linked with the Darwinian 
evolutionist theory : Sangue e Spirito (Blood and Spirit). 

Let us permit Evola himself to sum up, still in 'Mussolini e il Razzismo', the situation in Italy at 
that time in this field, and, in doing so let us allow him to draw attention to one of his main 
reasons for focusing as he did on the one main point: "(...) The whole thing presented few 
satisfactory features. As a matter of fact, for such purposes, in Italy, there was a lack of previous 
serious preparation and specific studies, and racial theory was completely unknown to Italian 
'intellectuals'. This is how the group that had drafted the 'Manifesto', and even the group of the 
contributors to La Difesa della Razza, came to seem so incoherent and unprepared. It was a 
mixture of some anthropologists of the old positivist school and opportunistic journalists and 
scholars who had turned into racists overnight. That is why the general impression was that of a 
dilettantism in which mere controversy and the slogan too often held the place of a serious and 
homogeneous doctrine: doctrine that would not have got bogged down either in biological 
specialisation or in gross anti-Semitism, but would have appeared in the form of a general vision 
of life, and acted as a politically and ethically formative idea. To a large extent, it was the not 
very favourable judgments heard abroad on the racial revolution within Fascism that induced me 
to devote myself to such material". 

Modern forms of the theory of race, be they based on history, philology, biology, philosophy, 
anthropology or religion, were, as Evola pointed out repeatedly, filled with confusions, 
misinterpretations and ambiguities, so that, before he was able to reformulate them from a 
traditional point of view, he had to specify the true meaning of race, from first principles: "There 
are three ways to understand the theory and the very concept of the race: with reference to a 
reality, to a certain order of scientific knowledge and, finally, to a 'myth'. According to the first 
way, the awareness of the value of the race already shows in a set of norms that are discernible in 
the ancient civilisations, particularly wherever the system of caste and the law of endogamy were 
in use, norms that in part were continued until relatively recent times in the specifically 
aristocratic traditions. This was an un-theorised but practical racism. This is why the word 'race' 
can be very seldom found in the ancient world: people did not feel the need to speak about race 
in the modern sense, because people had it. People were mainly interested, if ever they expressed 
interest at all, in the mystical forces that appeared behind those of the blood and the gens: for 
instance, in the Roman Patrician and, in general, Aryan cults related to the Lares, the Penates, 
and the archetypal heroes. But the necessity of preserving the blood, of maintaining and 
transmitting in its integrity a precious and irreplaceable inheritance linked to the blood, was 
distinctly perceived. That is why, in several cases, the contamination of a given blood appeared 
to the ancient, traditional, man, less as an offense of a social nature than as a true sacrilege (...). 
The word 'anthropology' originally meant science of man in general, considered both from 
physical and spiritual points of view. It was with such a meaning that the term was used in the 
ancient world, for example, by Aristotle, and it retained this meaning also in some Western 
philosophical schools, until Kant. But in the development of Western culture a shifting of point 
of view gradually took place. People became more and more accustomed to considering man not 
as a unique being within the created world, to be essentially understood on the basis of his 
supernatural origin and essence, but as one natural species among many others. Anthropology 
thus ended up assuming a new meaning: it was not a science of man as such any longer, but of 
man as a natural being, to which classificatory methods similar to those of zoology and botany 
could be applied: it was a natural science of man. 

"In this way, attention was to be more and more turned towards the corporeal and physical 
differences between human beings and the idea of there being several races of mankind gradually 
emerged, so that the idea of race became familiar and more and more definite in modern 
anthropology through various elements supplied by biology and genetics. Race, therefore, 
became a scientific concept, not to say scientistic: it came to be based on a knowledge of 
'positive' nature obtained with the classificatory and experimental method. 

"In the third place, we have race as a 'myth' - it is essentially in these terms that the idea of race 
took shape in Europe in the last quarter of the XlXth century, before it came to be part of 
renovating political movements, at first of National Socialism and then of Fascism. By 'myth', we 
do not mean a simple fiction, an arbitrary part of the imagination, but an idea that draws its force 
of persuasion mainly from elements that are not rational, an idea that is valuable above all for the 
evocative force that it condenses and, therefore, for its capacity to be expressed, finally, in 
action" ('II Mito del Sangue'). 

In 'II Mito del Sangue', Evola attempts "to show the genesis of racial theory, or more precisely, 
of the various themes in it, after having stated very precisely its meaning ; (...) the sources that 
have fueled the 'myth', the influences that have gradually contributed to its formation and 
assertion in contemporary history", while "sticking to the principle of the greatest objectivity". In 
the first place, the antecedents of racial theory in the ancient traditions, such as the polygenist 
theory and the Biblical monogenist theory, are mentioned ; in the second place, the doctrine of de 
Gobineau, as well as the three main components of modern racial theory (first, philosophical ; 
second, anthropological ; and third, philological) that were to be synthesised by this 'ancestor of 
racial theory', are examined ; in the third place, besides the theory of heredity, racial typology 
and the arctic myth, Chamberlain's theses are considered, in connection with the politicisation of 
racial theory and the part it had in post-war pan-German ideologies. Finally, the racial 
conception of history and the racial conception of law are presented, as well as the Jewish 
question, Rosenberg's 'new myth of blood' and Hitler's racism. 

And, as Evola himself mentions in the introduction to 'Sintesi di Dottrina della Razza' three years 
later, "the general opinion is that this account is one of the most comprehensive ever written so 
far on the matter in Italy". 'Sintesi di Dottrina della Razza' will be "the second part, both critical 
and constructive, of 'The Myth of Blood'". In the introduction to it, Evola specifies the two main 
reasons that led him to conceive it. They are complementary: in the first place, the official 
incorporation of the concept of race into Fascism - and, in this connection, it must be be borne in 
mind that Evola considers racial theory as an 'instrument', a 'power' of Fascism, to be looked 
upon, not as a contingent element in the Fascist ideology and spirit, but as inherent to it ; in the 
second place, there is the fragmentation of the concept of race in a vast number of theories, all 
more or less biologically and materialistically orientated, their controversial and propagandist 
use, which, by inviting the critique of the adversaries of racial thought, weakens fascism. Hence 
the imperative of a 'comprehensive and coherent', 'really totalistic formulation of the doctrine of 
race', if Fascism is to be fulfilled. By 'totalistic', Evola meant that "'morality' had to rely on an 
active will, that is to say that, once the 'revolutionary' duty of integrating the Fascist doctrine has 
been entrusted to the 'idea of race', racial theory should rise above the level of a 'particular 
discipline' (of scientific nature) to the more general level of a 'mentality', thus penetrating 'all the 
cultural manifestations of a time" (Gian Franco Lami). More than this, 'totalitarianism' can 
represent a positive political system to Evola, depending on which type of state it refers to: "As a 
matter of fact, the total state is not only a creature of necessity of modern times. Any traditional 
state was total, dogmatic, authoritarian. But there are two different ways to organise in a totalistic 
fashion, in the name of spirit and in the name of matter, in the name of what is superior to man 
and in the name of what, as mere collectivity, is inferior to him and subrational. Such is the 
difference between the great Supra-States of solar and traditional antiquity and the Bolshevik 
ideal" ('Sulle Premesse di un Antibolscevismo Positivo' - About the Premises of a 'Positive 
Anti-Bolshevism', in La Vita italiana, January 1937). Specifically, Evola shows, in the first 
chapter of 'Sintesi', that the doctrine of race is a 'revolutionary' instrument, in that, by 
reinvigorating national feeling and racial pride, it opposes universalism ; by substituting the 
organic value of personality for the Promethean ambitions of the individual, it fights 
individualism ; by going, through these values, beyond the paralysing antithesis of 'nature' and 
'culture', it makes rationalism irrational ; by considering history, not as an evolutionary process 
of material nature, but as a spiritual involution, it invalidates evolutionism ; it undermines 
materialism and the 'zoological' racism it gave birth to, by showing that there is no pure race in 
the modern world and that 'the mysticism of blood' is a product of a purely biological conception 
of race. 

In the same way, the doctrine of race conceived by Evola is to be considered as 'totalistic' 
('totalitario'): " The central thesis that I defended was, in short, the following one ", Evola 
explains in 'Mussolini e il Razzismo': "for man, the problem of race cannot be posed in the same 
terms, nor can it have the same meaning, as it can for a cat or for a thoroughbred horse. The real 
man, in addition to the biological and somatic part, is soul and spirit. Therefore, a comprehensive 
racial theory must consider all these three terms: body, soul and spirit. There will thus be a 
racism of the first degree, which addresses the strictly biological, anthropological and eugenic 
problems ; then, a racism of the second degree, which addresses the 'race of the soul', that is to 
say the form of the character and the affective reactions ; finally, as a crowning-piece, the 
consideration of the 'race of the spirit', which addresses the highest elements of the personality 
which, in regard to the general vision of the world and the beyond, destiny, life, action, in short, 
the 'highest values', differentiate and make men unequal. The classical ideal, racially interpreted, 
is the harmony and the unity of these three racial aspects in a higher type". To characterise these 
three racial aspects will be the subject of the second and third chapters of 'Sintesi', which in 
addition deal with questions such as those of natural races and superior races, of the race of the 
spirit as formative force, of the Hyperborean race and its ramifications, of the group of the Aryan 
races, of the superior race in the Nordic man and in the Mediterranean race, of the inner race and 
heredity, of the sexes and race, which last leads Evola to put forth the audacious concept of the 
'race of man' and the 'race of woman', and, as a preamble to the exposition of the principles of a 
racial theory of the spirit, enlightening observations on the problem of birth are made in the light 
of the Buddhist doctrines of karma and dharma. To define and distinguish the race of men and 
the race of women is in fact the first of the prerequisites that Evola, when he proceeds from the 
theory to its practical applications, adopts as the principle of effective racial reform ; "to 
acknowledge the reality of something super-biological, super-corporal, super-rational" is the 
second prerequisite. If Evola fully subscribes to the prophylactic and defensive measures meant 
for protecting the race of the body from alterations caused by racial mixing, he goes further and 
speaks of an 'intraracial discrimination'. The idea is that a race comprises several bloods, that one 
of them is higher than the others and that a time comes when this race must commit itself to this 
blood, choose the spiritual orientation that corresponds to its vocation, while, within this race, 
each individual must also make this choice, for, just as, among races, there are individuals whose 
higher nature predisposes them to occupy a central and leading part in history, there are, in a 
people, on the one hand, the elite, spiritual leaders, models of racial perfection, and, on the other 
hand, the people, in which race fulfills itself to a greater or lesser extent according to the 
individuals. 

Three main elements are to contribute to this decisive vital choice and to support this harmonious 
organic process of racial rectification: the myth and the symbol, conceived of in a traditional 
fashion as the reflection of a supernatural reality, are 'to galvanize and give shape to the 
emotional forces of a community' ; an 'austere' mysticism ; finally, a 'liturgy of power'. It must be 
borne in mind, however, that these conditions can only be met if an elite worthy of this name is 
in office ; to Evola, and this is a fundamental point, only a traditional state is able to provide the 
people with the means and the disciplines likely to spiritualise it, to lead it to a spiritual 
realisation according to the nature and the possibilities of each of its members. This elite Evola 
sees as an institutionalised one, as an Order. 

Tndirizzi per una Educazione Razziale', which was published, right in the middle of a 'racial 
campaign', in a collection of pedagogic and didactic studies, develops and specifies even further 
the points of reference given in 'Sintesi' to achieve such a goal. As the title of the book shows, it 
is primarily meant for educators: "our duty in this small volume is of a very special nature: it is 
not a matter of abstract expositions as bases of a general 'instruction' or 'information', nor of 
exploring the doctrine in greater depth and detail, but of being more specific about the ideas - 
and even the 'key ideas' - needed by an educator to achieve, in the field of racism as in other 
fields, his true goal. Simple notions, but clear and saturated with suggestive forces, likely to act 
on the soul of the youngsters rather than on their intellect alone, so as to promote a certain 
formation of their will and a certain orientation of their highest vocations. The educator must 
always be fully aware, on this point, of the essentially political and ethical value that the theory 
of race must have in Fascism as well as in the Fascist school. He must fully realise the race in 
question is something very different from the one biology and anthropology could speak of until 
recently (...). True racial philosophy, more than a special discipline, is a mentality". Opposed to 
the narrow and distorted naturalist and biological points of view on race, Evola criticises and 
goes beyond them, referring in this connection to Clauss' 'psychanthropy': race, to him, is a 
specific mentality, a hereditary style, a differentiated way of being. A race must be judged, not 
from its physical exteriority, its somatic features, but from its psychic interiority. The body, that 
is to say the racial features, is the means and ground of expression of a psycho -spiritual reality. 

Because Clauss thought that the psycho-spiritual dimension of man does not belong to the same 
level as that of his corporeal, somatic and biological features, he was accused of reintroducing 
the Christian dualism between body and soul, as opposed to the traditional tripartite conception 
of man as spirit (in the supra-rational sense), body and soul, which was precisely the conception 
revived by Evola within the framework of the racial theory he put forward. As Renato del Ponte 
rightly notes, "if however Clauss, keeping his examination on the psychological level, could 
avoid establishing a hierarchy of the various races, Evola, who begins to consider the spiritual 
values of each race and tries to delineate a typology of the races of the spirit, must necessarily 
place each spiritual type along the degrees of a hierarchical scale. Just as Clauss was right to 
assert that 'the objective value of a race could only be known by a man who would be beyond 
every race', Evola is right to assert the superiority of the 'solar race' over the 'titanic', of the 
'heroic race' over the 'telluric': there is no contradiction between the positions of these two 
authors, since each of them applies his research to a different level. The level to which Evola's is 
applied, or, to express it better, what is new in it in relation to that of other scholars in this field, 
allows the human being to know the objective hierarchical differences between the various 'races 
of the spirit', for the simple reason that it is in the spiritual element of man that the universal 
principle lies, able to place him 'beyond every race' and to make him foresee the real hierarchy of 
the spiritual types. Such an objective judgment, obviously, psychanthropy could not give, 
because the soul, the psyche lacks an element that transcends the individual subjectivity". 

In this connection, 'Indirizzi per una Educazione Razziale' contains as an appendix an essay on 
The Problem of the Supremacy of the White Race', in which some have claimed to see an 
anticipation of differentialist views on the grounds that, since, to Evola, the conformity or not to 
one's own tradition is the only valid criterion of superiority or inferiority for a given race or 
people, it follows that 'any race can only be superior or inferior in relation to itself. Those who 
will have fully understood and integrated the premises of the doctrine of race built by Evola from 
a traditional standpoint will immediately realise that this relativistic view leads to an absurdity. 
Since the 'heroic race' as such is superior to the 'telluric race' as such, it follows, for instance, 
that, if, at a given point in a given historical cycle, a given relatively fallen 'heroic race' can be 
objectively considered as inferior to a 'telluric race' still consonant with its own traditional form, 
the fact is that nevertheless a given 'heroic race' still consonant with its own archetype will still 
be objectively superior to a given 'telluric race' that shows the same degree of purity towards its 
own archetype. In short, 'ethnic' differentialism just forgets about hierarchy, which, whether one 
likes it or not, exists, and, in this, it is the victim of modern egalitarian prejudices. 

However, the fact that the Jews occupy so many key positions in both public and private sectors 
in most Western countries, to the point of being in real effective control of their economies and, 
through them, their social, cultural and political policies, not to mention their mass media, cannot 
but lead any serious lucid person, of whichever party, to wonder whether this could nevertheless 
be a sign of the inferiority of the white race, a fundamental question to which Evola brings a 
clear, straightforward, uncompromising answer in 'Three Aspects of the Jewish Problem', a work 
that condenses most of the considerations set out by him in fifty articles or so published, from 
1936 to 1941, in several Italian papers on the Jewish problem, most of which an Italian publisher 
was astute enough to compile, in 1994 in 'II 'Genio d'Israele" ('Israel's 'Genius"). In this, the most 
accomplished text he ever wrote as regards Judaism, Evola considers the effects that ensue from 
this reality in the spiritual world, in the cultural world and in the economic and social worlds. In 
addition to this there is, in the articles, an examination of the destructive action of the Jewish 
people throughout history, the part it has played in the attack upon the Aryan traditional world, 
and, therefore, in the construction of the modern world. In fact, Evola knew how to outline a 
comprehensive framework for the Jewish problem, which he analysed from all possible points of 
view. He avoids lingering over anthropological and biological analyses and focuses on the 
spiritual dimension, from which any historical manifestation proceeds. 

Evola notes and emphasises the fact that the Jewish Law and tradition is based on a unity, a unity 
that remains despite the composite and heterogeneous nature of the human materia prima. "It is 
the Jewish Law that extracted from a chaos of ethnic waste the Jewish type and gave shape to it, 
essentially as a spiritual type" ('Sulla Genesi dell'Ebraismo come Forza Distruttrice', La Vita 
Italiana, 1941 - 'On the Genesis of Judaism as a Destructive Force'). This formative force, this 
common spiritual legacy guarantees the unity of Israel, despite its dispersion in time and space, 
as well as the persistence of Jewishness as a set of stable hereditary tendencies, as an 
indestructible specific instinct, whether the Jew remains faithful to the Law or grows away from 
it. 

The Jewish Law is centered on the 'Promise' that Israel would be God's chosen people and would 
dominate all other peoples and possess their goods. Such a belief, which can already be found in 
the Old Testament, became even more pronounced in the Talmud, the Jewish oral tradition as 
interpretation of the Torah, whose violent expressions against the non-Jews are famous. The 
encounter with a world that denies the fundamental themes of the Jewish Law only reinforces the 
resentment of the Jew against peoples he sees as unjust and unfair. The Jewish Law thus only 
intensifies and legitimates the aversion to any non-Jewish people. "The Jew will sense in any 
society, in any regime, in any political organisation, an injustice, and, with respect to it, will 
always assert himself as a subversive, revolutionary or, at least, reforming element (...). Hence 
the high percentage of Jews, on the one hand, in movements with democratic, Masonic, 
humanitarian and liberal ideologies, and, on the other hand, in movements of Marxist, 
Communist and anarchist revolutionary subversion" (ibidem). And, on this antitraditional front, 
the secularised Jew, grown away from his Law and left to himself, meets with the religious Jew. 
As a matter of fact, the typical features of the Jewish people, far from diminishing in a Jew that 
has separated from his Law, become even more marked and his activity thus becomes even more 
corrosive for Aryan values, for, without law, he has no more norms. Those who pretend to 
criticise anti-Semitism by asserting that most Jews have no connection with their Law in the 
modern society are thus on the wrong track. The proof is that it is precisely the Jews with a 
non-religious background who are the most efficient representatives and propagators of 
internationalism, Communism, rationalism, and of any other ideology that constitutes an attack 
against form, difference, hierarchy and traditional spirit. 



In addition to this there is the dualism between body and soul, a distinctive feature of the Jew, 
whether secularized or not - a dualism that, as the preface writer of 'II 'Genio d'Israele" remarks, 
was passed on to a large extent to Christianity, to become even more pronounced in Calvinism 
and Protestantism, all 'lunar' beliefs, and that can be referred, in the last analysis, to a specific 
aspect of the feminine psyche. The incapacity to overcome this sterile and destructive dualism 
produces imbalances and contradictions of every kind, and, at the end of the day, it is the body, 
the flesh that prevails, leading to an abstract spirituality and a gross sensualism. Hence the taste 
for the assertion of the omnipotence of the law of flesh, of earth, of sex, of matter and gold. "To 
understand this inner situation means also to uncover the origins and causes of the nature that, 
almost without exception, is common to any sort of modern Jewish 'creation', be it in science or 
in economics, in literature or in music, in science of the religions or in psychoanalysis, in 
criminology or in anthropology, in law or in theatre, and so forth" (ibidem). 

While the Jew faithful to the Law resents and cannot but resent the peoples, the non- Jewish 
peoples, who do not recognise Israel as the 'chosen people', and, for this reason, tends to do 
everything he can, consciously or not, to subvert their values and the social and political 
organisation based on them, the secularised Jew, again more or less consciously, driven as he is 
by race-old specific instincts, sees in the Messianic myth and the expectation of the Regnum an 
effective domination over every people. Israel offered all its faith to Yahveh and, as a reward, 
expects Yahveh to supply it with all the wealth of the earth, and this is how mercantilist 
principles get applied to the religious field. The second 'column' of Judaism is Jewish capitalism 
and the Jewish financial International, that found in the solidification, the materialisation of the 
modern world, to which it contributed by giving more and more power to economic factors and 
faceless and stateless capital, the ideal ground to develop its own instinct and to achieve its own 
goals. 

Such were the premises assumed by Evola to analyse the undeniable Jewish problem in the 
larger context of racial thought in the 30's in Fascist Italy, taking advantage of a political 
situation that lent itself to such analysis. The spiritual climate, however, was not as favourable in 
later years to the development of racial philosophy and, within it, of anti-Semitism as set out by 
Evola, not to mention the fact that the war declared on 24 March 1933 by 'Judea' on Germany, 
the ally of Italy, did not precisely help to create a climate in which racial philosophy and 
anti-Semitism could have been examined in an objective and serene way, and that the course of 
war and, even more, its outcome were to frustrate any solution of the Jewish problem. Evola, 
throughout this process, remained always faithful to the Aryan traditional principles he fully 
endorsed, without ever lapsing into that gross racism and anti-Semitism he was the first to 
condemn: "On the plane of historical forces, I did not fail to show, not only the one-sidedness, 
but also the danger of a fanatical and visionary racism, even in the introduction I wrote for the 
new edition by Preziosi of the famous and most controversial 'Protocols of the Elders of Zion'. I 
thus indicated how dangerous it was to think that Judaism alone is the enemy to fight: I was even 
led to see in this tendency the effect of one of the tactics of this war that I called the 'occult war' ; 
to ensure that all attention gets focused on a part of the whole is the best way to divert it from 
other parts and to keep on acting without being disturbed". 

The racial doctrine set out by Evola was not well received by the Italian racist camp at that time ; 
the criticisms presented against it are all based on the crassest form of biological and scientific 
racism, on the view, to sum them up, that "our racism must be that of flesh and muscles" (G. 
Almirante) ; they are mostly very similar to one another and result, at best, from a lack of 
understanding or, at worst, from a selective reading and bad faith. 

Post-WW2 critique is more worthy of attention, even though it still proceeds to a greater or 
lesser extent from a selective or superficial reading, and, because of the post-war demonisation 
of Fascism and National-Socialism and the 'Verjudung' that has proceeded from the full 
internalisation of this traumatising representation by the vast majority of our contemporaries, it is 
burdened with a compulsive scholarly need to exorcise a deep sense of guilt by trying more or 
less to apologise with a most convincing sense of self-righteousness for J. Evola's so-called 
"compromises" with Fascism and National-Socialism. Let us not dwell on this pronounced 
tendency, but not without stressing that Evola not only never apologised - why apologise when 
one has not made any mistake ? - but once stated that, if anyone has to apologise, it is the others, 
whose lessons in morality a differentiated man does not need. Let us not dwell either on the 
critical comments against the so-called 'enthusiasm' that he supposedly showed in using the word 
'Aryan', which is not more grounded than those against his supposedly mistaken use of the term 
'anti-Semitism'. Except in the cases where mention is made of the historical Aryans, it is made 
clear that the word 'Aryan' is used in a typological sense ; besides, it is often used ironically to 
designate contemporary German racists. With regard to the term 'anti-Semitism', the following 
excerpt from 'Three Aspects of the Jewish Problem' shows that he was fully aware that it should 
not be used as a synonym for 'anti- Judaism' : "the term 'Semitic', as everyone knows, implies a 
far broader concept than the mere term 'Jewish'. We will deliberately be using it here because 
we believe that the 'Jewish' element cannot be, purely and simply, separated from the general 
type of civilisation that formerly spread through the area of the Eastern Mediterranean from Asia 
Minor to the borders of Arabia - noteworthy though the differences between Semitic peoples 
may be". Thus, whilst a clear distinction based on etymology is duly made between 
anti-Semitism in general and anti-Judaism in particular, what all Semitic peoples, including the 
Jews, have in common in cultural and racial terms is conversely emphasised. 

Let us thus turn now to what stands as the work of reference in the field of Evolian studies on 
everything that concerns directly or indirectly the Italian author's political views and action, 
namely, the preface and introduction to the American edition of 'Gli uomini e le rovine' by H.T. 
Hansen ( http://www.juliusevola.com/site/MenAmongtheRuins.pdf) . Much of what is stated in it 
about the decisive influences on Evola's thought, his artistic experiences, his philosophical 
period, his first steps towards politics, is, from a scholarly perspective, accurate, yet it is difficult 
to understand how "Montaigne, Herder and his Volkergeist. . ., Fichte" can be seen as being 
among J. Evola's "forefathers", when strong reservations are expressed in the first chapter of V I1 
Mito del sangue' against Fichte's and Herder's position and constructions on race, and the 
philosophy of the half -Jewish French humanist is clearly light years away from the Italian 
author's Weltanschauung. Much of what is mentioned in it about his relations to Fascism and to 
Fascists in the years 1935-1945 is substantiated. The account given of the Italian author's 
connection with National- Socialism is not inaccurate, both on the politico-historical plane and 
on the intellectual plane, except it contains some nebulous formulations and it is dramatically 
incomplete. What a statement such as "Evola tried to construct a racial theory that combines the 
history of the spirit with racial history" may mean is not clear at all, and yet it is the conclusion 
reached at the end of the chapter on "Evola and Racism" ; now, what he tried to do in this respect 
was, as laconically put by the preface writer of 'Sintesi di dottrina della razza' (1994, 2d ed.), "to 
give a traditional content to a modern concept", that is to say, to apply the concept of race to the 
traditional organic view of man as body, soul, and spirit. Much has been written in the 
Anglo-Saxon world about the relations between J. Evola and National-Socialist leadership, much 
of which is entirely based on what is reported about these in the preface and introduction to 'Men 
among the Ruins', which in turn relies on documents which were published in Italian translation 
from the mid-1980's ('Julius Evola nei documenti segreti del Terzo Reich', 1986, 'Julius Evola 
nei documenti segreti del Ahnenerbe', Fondazione Julius Evola, 1997, and 'Julius Evola nei 
rapporti delle S.S.', Fondazione Julius Evola, 2000), the only available reports written by 
German authorities during WW2 about the Italian author ; they were mainly taken from the 
Bundesarchiv in Koblenz and the Berlin Document Centre. 

The first document is a letter, dated January 2 1938, from SS-Hauptsturmfiihrer Langsdorff to 
Reichsfuhrer Himmler about "the personality and the ideas of Evola" and, more particularly, 
about 'Heidnischer Imperialismus' ; the last, a short letter, dated September 1940, from J. Evola 
to Dr Bohm from the Ahnenerbe. However, the consideration of these documents in 'Julius 
Evola's political endeavors' stops at "The final report on Evola's June 1938 lectures, kept in the 
handwritten files of the personal staff of the Reichsfuhrer- SS (file AR/126)", whose notorious 
conclusion is highlighted : "there exist no grounds for National-Socialism to place itself at the 
disposal of Baron Evola. His political plans for a Romano-Germanic Imperium are of a Utopian 
character and moreover very apt to cause ideological confusions. Since Evola is also only 
tolerated and barely supported by Fascism, it is tactically not necessary to accommodate his 
tendencies from our side. It is therefore recommended to : 
1. Not support Evola's current efforts for the establishment of a secret supra-national order and 
the founding of a magazine directed toward this goal. 
2. Curb his public activities in Germany after this lecture series, without taking any special 
measures. 
3. Prevent his further penetration into leading offices of the party and the state. 
4. Observe his propaganda activity in neighboring countries." 

In fact, here, the very last document to be taken into account is a short letter, dated August 8, 
1938, from the author of the report to H. Himmler : "The Reichsfuhrer-SS has acknowledged the 
report regarding the lectures of Baron Evola and is in full agreement [or rather, in agreement] 
with the thoughts and recommendations [or rather, the terms] stated in the last paragraph 
thereof." On that basis, the inference can legitimately be drawn that "the SS as a whole was not 
favorably inclined toward him, even though he was apparently unaware of it" ; it will soon 
become clear why "he was apparently unaware of it". Speaking of awareness, has anyone 
wondered why, in 1944, following the invasion of Italy by the Anglo-Saxon cannon fodder of the 
anti-European forces, J. Evola moved to Austria, where, in Vienna, he was commissioned by the 
SS to translate Freemasonic documents seized by the Gestapo from various lodges which had 
just been raided by the SS, if indeed "the SS as a whole was not favorably inclined toward him" 
? "In Vienna it was possible for" M. Serrano "to read an internal communication among several 
SS centers in which they recommended Julius Evola not be given facilities to expound 'his 
esotericism'" (The Ultimate Avatar). It's a shame that the Chilean author did not have the 
opportunity to have access to the various other documents which were published in 'Julius Evola 
nei rapporti delle SS', and which are not brought to the reader's attention in 'Julius Evola's 
Political Endeavours'. 
In a short letter, dated September 6, 1938, to the personal staff of the Reichsfuhrer-SS, the 
v Societa Italo-Tedesca' confirmed they had received the day before a payment of "300 
Reichsmark for the stay of J. Evola in Germany" the previous June. 
In March 1939, G. Landra, who later became the first director of the Office of Racial Studies and 
who, at that time, was a lecturer in anthropology at the University of Rome, wrote to the 
Reichsfuhrer-SS, informing him that J. Evola had drawn their attention to the "biological and 
racist basis of the SS led by you, as well as to the aspects that make it a caste order". 
Six weeks later or so, the SS. Obersturmbannfuhrer Grau, in a letter to SS-Obersturmbannfuhrer 
Dr. R. Brandt, H. Himmler's personal chief of staff, reminded him that "Baron Evola, who once 
published a brilliant article on the SS in the Italian review 'La Vita Italiana', . . . after he read the 
speech delivered by the Reichsfiihrer-SS. . . in Magdeburg, wrote another article, which is 
essentially based on this speech and which he would like to publish under the signature of the 
Reichsfuhrer, either in 'La Vita Italiana', or in the review 'Regime Fascista'. The Baron is acting 
under the explicit orders of Professor Landra, that is, of the Minister (of Popular Culture) 
Farinacci." 
Two days later, Dr. Brandt informed Grau that J. Evola' s request had been favourably considered 
by the Reischsfiihrer, who, however, did not wish the article to be published under his name, and 
asked that a few minor changes be made to some passages "that could hurt Italians' feelings". It 
was published on June 15 of that year, in 'Regime Fascista', and sent to H. Himmler, who, on 
July 26, had Standartenfiihrer Ullmann, informed G. Landra of the following : 
"The Reichsfuhrer-SS is willing to keep supporting in the future the work of writer of Baron J. 
Evola. Baron J. Evola is therefore asked to make proposals on the topics he intends to tackle in 
the field of activities of the SS." 

Incidentally, there is every reason to believe that, surprisingly enough, J. Evola was far more 
familiar with F£. Himmler's and German ideologists' ideas and policies than these were actually 
familiar with his work, let alone their knowledge of his precise relations with the Fascist regime. 
Indeed, in a review of 'Grundrisse der Faschistischen Rassenlehre' ('Synthesis of Fascist Racial 
Doctrine'), the German edition of 'Sintesi di Dottrina della Razza' ('Synthesis of Racial 
Doctrine'), sent on September 9, 1942 to the head of the NSDAP Racial Policy Department, Dr 
Gross, Dr Huettig stated that J. Evola "was not authorised" to publish it under this title 
('Synthesis of Fascist Racial Doctrine' instead of 'Synthesis of Racial Doctrine), when 
permission to do so had been given to the Italian author by B. Mussolini. This lack of first-hand 
information is also evidenced by another document quoted by Hansen, a document "from 
Himmler's personal staff which shows that "Himmler personally received and collected 
information about Evola" and "reports that Himmler again ordered a thorough examination of 
Evola' s Heidnischer Imperialismus, in which the German translation should even be compared to 
the original Italian text in order to eliminate errors in translation (sic)." So the chief of the 
Sicherheitshauptamt (main security office) who was supposedly in charge of collecting 
information about the Italian author was not aware of what was known by any contemporary 
Italian-speaking German reader interested in J. Evola's work, that is, that 'Heidnischer 
Imperialismus' was not the German translation of 'Imperialismo pagano', but a different book. 

Some have sought to "fill in the gaps" by means of embroidery, in the 
tradition of sensational journalism, describing Evola, for example, 
as the "eminence grise of Mussolini", while others beat around the 
bush in a conventional manner, attempting to exorcise their own 
senses of guilt by trying more or less to apologise, from a merely 
moral point of view, for Evola's so-called "compromises" with Fascism 
and National Socialism. We may add that this shows some temerity, 
because Evola not only never apologised - why apologise when one has 
not made any mistake? - but once stated that, if anyone needed 
excuses, it was the others, the representatives of counter-initiation 
and their gynaeco-democratic lackeys, whose lessons a differentiated 
man does not need. 

'Evola's attitude towards the Jews', the fifth part of 'Julius Evola's Political Endeavours', is 
also, to a greater or lesser extent, the fruit of a selective reading of the Italian author's 
anti-Semitic writings and of a biased tendency to think of racism merely as hatred or intolerance 
of another race. It is true that "There are so many comments against the Jews in Evola's work, 
ranging from simple criticisms to truly painful ones, that there can be no doubt about his basic 
attitude..." ; rather than being "against Jews", however, these comments are, first and foremost, 
about Jews. The first sentence of the following quote demonstrates a consummate sense of 
salami slicing which distorts greatly the Italian author's thought : "His writings never spoke out 
against orthodox religious Judaism. On the contrary ; as an example, he writes in his Tre aspetti 
del problema Ebraico (Three Aspects of the Jewish Problem), Rome, 1936, p. 23 : 'There are 
elements and symbols in the Old Testament that possess metaphysical and therefore universal 
value.' Or in (a footnote of) Revolt Against the Modern World (p. 281) : 'In contrast to orthodox 
Judaism, early Christianity can at most claim a mystical character on the same line as the 
prophets. . . And whenever a true esotericism was subsequently created in the West, it was 
essentially found outside of Christianity with the help of non-Christian currents, like the Hebraic 
Kabbalah. . . '" Indeed, the following clause, a restrictive one, was left out of the first quote : 
"even though they were taken from somewhere else . . ." . The point made by J. Evola is that 
"even though they were taken from somewhere else, elements and symbols of metaphysical and, 
therefore, universal value can be found in the Old Testament ('Three Aspects of the Jewish 
Problem', Thompkins&Cariou, 2003, p. 14). As regards the second quote, for the sake of 
completeness, a passage of 'La scienza ebraica, la teoria della relativita e la 'catarsi demoniaca" 
(Vita Italiana, May 1940) in which. the Kabbalah is considered as an application to the divine 
world of the Semitic peoples', and, more specifically, of the Jews' "tendency towards abstract 
mathematical speculation", should have been brought to the reader's attention, making him 
aware that J. Evola's views on early Hebraism varied significantly over time with respect to the 
issue of Messianism : in a curious article called 'Trasformazioni del 'Regnum" (La Vita Italiana, 
1937), it is argued that "It is not the former Jewish Messianic idea, but its corruption and its 
materialisation, which is the real point of reference for the subversive forces which aim at 
destroying for good our civilisation and at exercising a satanic dominion on all forces on earth", 
whereas the close connexion between the early Jewish Messianic idea and the thirst for material 
possessions right from the start, and not just from Mosaic times, is fully recognised by the Italian 
author both in 'II Mito del sangue' ("... the 'Kingdom' supposedly promised to the Jewish people 
was not understood by any means in a mystical and supra-terrestrial sense, but as that which is to 
possess all the riches of the world") and in 'II Giudaismo nell'antichita' ("It has been noted that 
the very way the Jews conceived of the relation between man and the divinity, a relation that was 
based on a mercantile mechanism of service and rewards, shows, de do ut est, a mercantilism 
that must have already constituted the essence of Judaism in ancient times ; however, this spirit 
could not but provoke the scorn of Aryan peoples, who were used to a different type of morality 
and conduct. As is known, in the ancient Law, the Torah, the Messianic idea was already 
intimately connected with earthly riches and goods, which would give rise to capitalistic 
speculation, and, finally, to economics as an instrument of power in Israel's plans"). 

Between 1932 and September 1941, Julius Evola published forty articles or so on the Jewish 
problem in various Italian papers, of which thirty-one, all signed v Arthos', appeared in La Vita 
Italiana, and were compiled in 1992, by the Italian publisher II Cinabro, into an anthology, the 
aforementioned 'II 'Genio' d'Israele'. It is divided into four sections, namely 'L'Azione 
distruttrice' ('The Destructive Action'), 'Guerra occulta e 'Protocolli" ('Occult War and the 
'Protocols"), 'L'Intervento nella Storia' ('The Intervention in History'), 'L'Antisemitismo' 
('Anti-Semitism'). The title is borrowed from a set of three articles published by J. Evola in La 
Vita Italiana in 1936 on the subject of the destructive action of Judaism : 'II 'Genio' d'Israele' 
("Israel's 'Genius"), at the outset of which the organic nature of the study of Judaism which he 
was about to carry out in a long series of articles, "whose systematic coherence will certainly not 
escape the attentive readers of La Vita Italiana", is made clear. Three-quarters of these articles, 
which, for most of them, stand as essays on their own, examine the Jewish problem on the 
cultural and scientific level in the broadest sense, while the remaining quarter looks into it, either 
from a spiritual and religious perspective, or from an economic, social and political perspective. 
Therefore, it is simply not the case that "Evola's attacks are more often directed against the Jews 
as symbol of the rule of economic-materialistic individualism and the hegemony of money. In 
other words : in the Jews he is fighting materialism", and that these would be limited to ". . . the 
same accusations that Martin Luther brought up, and which Karl Marx presented in his tract Zur 
Judenfrage (Concerning the Jewish Question), published 1844 in the Deutsche franzosische 
Jahrbucher in Paris." Marx's anti-Semitic arguments are of the economic order, while Luther's 
are of the religious and economic order. The Jewish question was looked into "in a totalising 
way" by J. Evola. 

Even if J. Evola had only envisaged the Jewish problem from an economic perspective, it would 
still not be inaccurate to state that "The fact that in doing so he again brings up all the 
well-known prejudices and generalizations shows that he too was dependent on the preeminent 
Zeitgeist". For "These accusations" had already been made by a huge number of people 
throughout the ages, including the citizens of the German town of Hirschau, who, in the 

Renaissance, "opposed allowing Jews to live there because Jews were seen as aggressive 
competitors who ultimately dominate the people they live among : 'If only a few Jewish families 
settle here, all small shops, tanneries, hardware stores, and so on, which, as things stand, provide 
their proprietors with nothing but the scantiest of livelihoods, will in no time at all be superseded 
and completely crushed by these [Jews] such that at least twelve local families will be reduced to 
beggary, and our poor relief fund, already in utter extremity, will be fully exhausted within one 
year. The Jews come into possession in the shortest possible time of all cash money by getting 
involved in every business; they rapidly become the only possessors of money, and their 
Christian neighbors become their debtors." (in http://www.kevinmacdonald.net/UnderstandJI- 1 .htm ) 
From 'Antisemitism Through the Ages' (Almog, S., Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1988) and 'History and Hate : 
The Dimensions of Anti-Semitism' (Berger, D., Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1997) to 'Antisemitism : 
A Reference Handbook' (Chanes, J. A., Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2004) and 
'Antisemitism : A Historical Encyclopedia of Prejudice and Persecution' (Levy, R.S., Santa 
Barbara, CA : ABC-CLIO, 2005), countless books, essays, and articles examine the relations 
between Jews and non-Jews and analyse the origins and the development of intellectual and 
cultural anti-Semitic ideas and beliefs in Europe from Roman times to the present ; whether or 
not it was the Enlightenment that made possible the growth of non religious anti-Semitism, the 
fact remains that anti-Semitic attitudes were prevalent among French and Russian intellectual 
circles as early as in the XVIIIth century, while, drawing its inspiration from German 
romanticism, and, particularly, from the Jew Johann Gottfried Herder's concept of Volk, 
anti-Semitic literature, in which the Jew became the incarnation of selfish and atomistic 
individualism and of resistance to the national, ethnic, and ethical state, flourished in the first 
half of the XLXth century in Germany. As summed up by B. Lazare ('Antisemitism : Its History 
and Causes', 1894), "If this hostility, this repugnance had been shown towards the Jews at one 
time or in one country only, it would be easy to account for the local causes of this sentiment. 
But this race has been the object of hatred with all the nations amidst whom it ever settled". 

In an essay on the Aryan nature published in 1940 in 'II Corriere Padano', J. Evola stressed that 
"One is born 'Aryan', one does not become so : NASCITUR, NON FIT. (...) To be Aryan is a 
quality of race and of caste. It is transmitted from father to son. Nothing can replace it : just as 
the privilege which, until recently, aristocratic blood had among us." No reference is made to 
these lines in 'J. Evola's Political Endavours', in which, on the other hand, a truncated quote 
from the Italian author" is used to support the empty claim that "Since Evola set supreme 
importance on the spiritual attitude, a Jew could of course also espouse Aryan thought" : "There, 
he writes verbatim : For example, can an 'Aryan' have a Jewish soul or inner race and vice versa 
? Yes, it is possible. . ." This truncated quote is taken from a footnote to the antepenultimate 
paragraph of '"Scienza, razza e scientismo' [Science, Race, and Scientism], in Vita Italiana, 
XXX, no. 357, December 1942, pp. 556-563", a right of reply which was offered by G. Preziosi, 
La Vita Italiana' s editor, to him, after his racial doctrine had been the subject of inflammatory 
attacks, a major proponent of scientistic and biological racism. 

This is the antepenultimate paragraph : "A few more words should be said about the problem of 
selection. The problem of selection in its higher aspects is obviously closely linked to the inner 
race, or the expression of inner race. Once biology and similar disciplines have defined a given 
area, the boundaries of which cannot be crossed (4), it does not mean that, within these 
boundaries, everything is in order and that race manifests the same purity and nobility, even 
where pathological processes and hereditary taints can be ruled out. Hence the problem of inner 
or interracial selections, a problem which, as far as active and political racism is concerned, is at 
least as important as the protection from crossbreeding, or rather is the necessary counterpart of 
this racism, since what is true here is also true of diseases : it is only when steps are taken to 
strengthen the body and to erase predispositions that the risk of infection is greatly reduced." 

This is the footnote : "Exceptions do not alter the rule, and, in this field, they can be explained 
scientifically, with reference to the Mendelian laws of inheritance. Can an 'Aryan' have, for 
example, a Jewish soul or inner race, or vice versa ? Yes, it is possible, and this does not 
contradict anything, or destroy the principle that the biological element must be used as the first 
criterion of discrimination. Here, a difficulty would arise only if it could be demonstrated that, in 
the ancestors of the type in question, down to the most remote generations, no racial mixing 
occurred : such a demonstration is nearly impossible. But since this cannot be demonstrated, the 
Aryan soul of a Jew or the Jewish soul of an Aryan could still be considered as a case of 
reappearance of exogenous ancestral characteristics which had remained latent, 
'recessive' . . .THIS WILL NOT RESULT IN THE ARYANISATION OF THE FORMER 
[emphasis added] or in the degradation of the latter into a Jew, but in a case by case 
discrimination, limited strictly to the individual and, therefore, not transmittable to offspring. It is 
therefore useless to raise again and again this objection to try to invalidate the theory that 
distinguishes the race of the body from the race of the soul." Apart from the fact that there is no 
comparison between feeling and being, the spurious assumption that "Evola had surely noticed 
that especially in Germany some Jews felt more 'Aryan' than many Germans, and this was not 
only in intellectual circles" is wishful thinking. 

While J. Evola was the first to acknowledge and to criticise constructively the racist arguments 
of biological and zoological order that flourished in National-Socialist Germany, it is ridiculous 
to reduce the whole of National-Socialist racism to these, so as to suggest that there was a binary 
opposition between the nature and content of National-Socialist racism and J. Evola's, which, as 
to it, would be 'spiritual'. This is precisely the egregious error that is made by one of the 
'knowledgeable experts' whose self-righteous insight is used to support the views expressed on 
this matter in 'J. Evola's Political Endeavors', in which it is however acknowledged that "Of 
course, Evola does not intend to totally cut off the idea of "race" from its biological 
background". Indeed, when R. De Felice argues that "...the 'spiritual' theory of races... 
renounced the German and German-derived confusions and tried ... to confine racism to the 
plane of a cultural problem worthy of the name" (History of the Italian Jews under Fascism), not 
only he disregards the positive fact that the racial question was looked into by J. Evola on all 
planes, and not just on the cultural one, but also his considerations are based on "a confusion that 
Landra wants to create in the minds of his readers, giving them to understand that only a scientist 
and biological racism is followed in Germany. Is this not precisely what is aimed at by those who 
devote themselves to a dull intellectual work of sabotage against the Axis and set people against 
the 'barbarity' and the 'materialism' of German racism ? Cases such as Manacorda's, R. 
Carbonelli's, Bendiscioli's and the like are more than meaningful in that regard. But the reality is 
completely different, as we have said many times and we must say again. Landra acts as if he 
was unaware that, in Germany, as a complement and counterpart of Walther Gross and his 
doctors and biologists, there is Rosenberg, and besides the Rassenpolitisches Amt (the Office of 
Racial Policy), there is the Beauftragter besondere des Fahrers fur die gesamte Weltanschauung, 
which is at least as powerful. All that we mean by 'inner race' and 'spiritual race' has the closest 
relation with what is defined in Germany by the term 'world view' and, as authoritatively put by 
the Fiihrer in Nuremberg, has the character of priority and of infallibility, since only the way of 
thinking and of behaving, as well as the world view, can be seen - according to Hitler - as a 
confirmatory proof of racial qualities. In this paper, we have commented repeatedly on the role 
of the 'struggle for a world- view' in Germany, on the determination with which it has been 
conducted, and on the fact that, in National-Socialism, it accounts for the truly active and 
creative counterpart of the purely biological and prophylactic racism, so that there is no need to 
repeat ourselves." ('Scienza, razza e scientismo') J. Evola consistently stressed that "Precise 
considerations of 'racism of first degree' should. . . not be neglected in the creation of a new 
ruling class" ( http://thompkins cariou.tripod.com/id7.html) in parallel with considerations of 
racism of second and third degree. One of the very first authors to use truncated quotes from the 
writings of J. Evola on the SS to support the thesis that the SS was incapable of contemplating 
anything beyond "materialist racism" and that J. Evola reached the conclusion that the SS was 
incapable of contemplating anything beyond "materialist racism" is the Jew A. de Benoist 
('Julius Evola, Reactionnaire radical et metaphysician engage' 
( http://www.scribd.com/doc/56441759/Julius-Evola-Alain-de-Benoist) , who dares say that H. 
"Himmler's world-view was at the extreme opposite of J. Evola's', despite the fact that no major 
criticism of the Reichsfuhrer's views and action in the racial field can be found in any of the four 
articles published by the Italian author on him. J. Evola pointed out that the criteria for 
membership in the SS were biologico-racist as well as of an ethico-spiritual nature 
('L'Animatore delle SS e il Problema delle Nuove Elette', Regime Fascista, December 17 1940), 
of an ethico-spiritual nature which had been defined precisely by H. Himmler himself in an 
article published in the same paper the year before ('Principi per una Nuova Elite 
Politica-Razzista'), which was translated in all likelihood by J. Evola and which, in any case, 
was commented on by him in 'Le SS, guardia e "ordine" della rivoluzione crociuncinata'. 
Because of the fact that the following statement by A. de Benoist is preceded and followed by 
quotes from J. Evola's work, and that the inverted commas used around several groups of words 
in it make these look like actual quotes, any reader unfamiliar with the latter' s writings on race, 
and more particularly, on German racism, is led to assume that it is faithful to their spirit : "The 
SS were not conceived of in any way as a "men's band", as "an elite defined by an exclusively 
manly solidarity" and oriented toward "the absolute individual" ; each of its members has instead 
to found a family as part of an hereditary line." In fact, J. Evola wrote exactly the opposite in 'Le 
SS, guardia e "ordine" della rivoluzione crociuncinata' (1938) : " A SS man is not free to marry 
whomever he wants. By means of a law promulgated by Himmler in 1931, a special bureau must 
ensure that the woman he has chosen offers sufficient guarantees that she can have children 
conforming to the type and the race. On this basis, the SS viewed itself as a "Sippenorden", that 
is, a "kinship order", and it is on this anti-individualist and racial basis that it wanted to develop. 
The capacity to comply with this law is already a first proof of a higher order, as it shows that 
one is willing to subordinate feeling and passion as a purely personal fact to the supra-individual 
needs." H. Himmler's conception of the SS as a 'Mannerbund' is reasserted in 'Fascismo e Terzo 
Reich' (6th edition, 2001), in which, however, a completely different and unexpected approach 
to the issue of marriage in the SS is taken : "With this clause [that which stipulated that no SS 
man could marry whomever he wanted], racist biologism was reasserted, not unrelated with a 
certain trivilisation of the feminine ideal, as the 'motherly' aspect of woman was given special 
emphasis." (ibid, p. 221) If, from the standpoint J. Evola looks at things, marriage consent should 
certainly be based on higher criteria than the race of the body and hereditary health, it is hard to 
understand what is wrong in highlighting the "'motherly' aspect of woman" in a matrimonial 
context. Apart from this criticism, it is extremely interesting that the few pages dedicated to the 
SS in 'Fascismo e Terzo Reich' are essentially descriptive, and that, in the end, the positive role 
played by the SS in the Aufordnung, that is, in the 'nordicisation' of the German people both on 
the mental and on the spiritual plane, is fully acknowledged (p. 204). 

Due recognition of the sound foundations and of the positive formative action of the SS in terms 
of formation of character and sensitivity, of ethics, along Nordic lines, does not mean that in the 
pre-WW2 period J. Evola was not critical of its spiritual aspect, which, despite "the 
unquestionable existence of a considerable interest and of an appropriate sensitivity", did not 
appear to him as being grounded in "principles worthy of the name" (ibid.), even though it 
testified to attempts of the German leadership at integrating the National-Socialist world- view 
into a higher traditional and symbolic content, attempts which, "however, should not prompt 
hasty conclusions : as a matter of fact, it is not easy, in this matter, to make up one's mind, and 
the harmful effects of a wrong way of thinking and of a false culture which have been 
characteristic of the Western man for centuries cannot be destroyed overnight." 

In concluding a review of a speech delivered by A. Hitler in Nuremberg in 1933, J. Evola had 
shown the same caution, stating that, even though he had examined the German chancellor's 
writings as well as the main National-Socialist ideologists', he was not able "to see whether, in 
the end, the inner spirit of this revolutionary current works toward a racist particularism or to a 
universal idea. To overcome the internationalist collapse, to restore the qualitative values of race 
and of difference, not, however, so as to end in the pluralism of closed units and of ideas put in 
the service of material interests and empirical politics, but so as to allow the formation of a 
superior, ecumenical, reality, likely to manly unite nations in spirit without merging them in their 
bodies, seems to us the fundamental problem of the European future." (Osservazioni critiche sul 
"razzismo" Nazionalsocialista, La Vita italiana, November 1933) In his last writing about this 
usse, it is clear that J. Evola considered that, in the end, the National-Socialist leadership was not 
up to the task in this regard : "in National-Socialist racism, [the] biological aspect played an 
important role, and, because of a 'scientistic' bias, they were greatly mistaken in thinking that all 
that was needed to bring back to life qualities that had become dormant and to resurrect almost 
automatically the man who would be the creator of a superior civilisation was to use prophylaxis 
and to erect barriers to cross-breeding and hybridism." On the theoretical plane, however, it did 
not escape J. Evola's notice that racism was far more differentiated and 'in ordnung' than on the 
practical plane : "... in the National-Socialist propaganda and legislation, the concept of race had 
an undetermined content and was affected by collectivistic elements, while on the other hand, 
even though less officially, a different orientation, a selective orientation, existed in the Third 
Reich. . . Whilst generic racism was a mere expedient to strengthen nation self-consciousness. . . 
as not only the main anthropological divisions, but also 'races' as special articulations within 
each of these and of the white or 'Aryan' race itself, are considered in the modern doctrine of 
race, it was necessary to acknowledgment that Germany was not the expression of one pure and 
homogeneous racial stock, but of a mix of various 'races'... A racism of second degree thus 
developed. The collectivism of the Volk and of the Aryano-German Volksgemeinschaft to be 
defined, defended, and handled totalistically on the basis of the Gleichschaltung was overcome 
by the idea that not all the racial components of the German people had the same value and that 
the most qualified element, the superior element, was the 'Nordic' or 'Nordid' one." ('Fascismo 
e Terzo Reich', p. 204) This point is categorically acknowledged by A. Hitler : "The 
fundamental racial elements are not only different in different districts, but there are also various 
elements in the single districts. Beside the Nordic type we find the East-European type, beside 
the Eastern there is the Dinaric, the Western type intermingling with both, and hybrids among 
them all. That is a grave drawback for us." (Mein Kampf, p. 328 - 

http://www.greatwar.nl/books/meinkampf/meinkampfpdf ) Since this programmatic work was 
meant for the general public, it would be overstating the case to say, as did J. Evola, that "Any 
German was implicitly led to believe that he was eminently that 'Aryan' who was credited with 
the creation and the origin of any superior civilisation", and that, as a result, the concept of race 
undergone a 'democratisation' in the Third Reich. "In fact, he does well to add, what serious 
[German] racists meant by 'Aryan' was a rather broad category in which the 'German' (and even 
the 'Germanic') represented only a special kind." In actual fact, Any German had to live with the 
thought that "Unfortunately the German national being is not based on a uniform racial type. The 
process of welding the original elements together has not gone so far as to warrant us in saying 
that a new race has emerged. On the contrary, the poison which has invaded the national body, 
especially since the Thirty Years' War, has destroyed the uniform constitution not only of our 
blood but also of our national soul. The open frontiers of our native country, the association with 
non-German foreign elements in the territories that lie all along those frontiers, and especially 
the strong influx of foreign blood into the interior of the REICH itself, has prevented any 
complete assimilation of those various elements, because the influx has continued steadily. Out 
of this melting-pot no new race arose. The heterogeneous elements continue to exist side by 
side" (Mein Kampf, p. 328), including, needless to say, the Jews. 

A few paragraphs are devoted to J. Evola's warning against the scapegoating of the Jew, and, 
this time, in strict accordance with the Italian author's views. The longer the quotes, the more 
consistent with J. Evola's thought : "A serious formulation of the Jewish problem cannot 
overlook that which concerns the Aryan peoples themselves : the Jew must be prevented from 
becoming a kind of scapegoat for everything that in reality the non Jews also have to answer 
for." Since it is beyond the scope of this descriptive review of J. Evola's writings on race to 
discuss the validity of this warning, let us move on to the next contentious point. It relates to J. 
Evola's treatment of 'The Protocols of the Elder of Zion' in 'L'autenticita dei "Protocolli" 
provata dalla tradizione ebraica" (Edizioni di Ar, Padova 1971, p. 183-204), in which, according 
to Hansen, "he included a mass of quotations allegedly from the Talmud and other Jewish 
religious writings. However, these quotes were taken not from the original writings but from 
second or third hand sources, such as Rohling's Talmudjuden and Theodor Fritsch's Handbuch 
der Judenfrage, whose dubious scholarship and zealous bias should have been obvious to Evola". 
By scholarly standards, it should have been specified that these quotes were also taken from a far 
more reliable source, namely, Father LB. Prainitis' - Master of Theology and Professor of the 
Hebrew Language at the Imperial Ecclesiastical Academy of the Roman Catholic Church in Old 
St. Petersburg - 'Talmud Unmasked' ( http://www.talmudunmasked.com/ ), to which the Italian 
author devoted a whole essay : 'I Cristiani e il Talmud' (Biblioteca della 'Difesa della razza', 
Roma-Milano, 1939-XVII, p. 247), and which is not mentioned once among J. Evola's sources 
on the Talmud by C. Mattogno. "Carlo Mattogno - Hansen goes on - who is probably more 
partial toward Evola, in a series of articles for Orion 
( http://andreacarancini.blogspot.com/2010/05/evola-e-la-veridicita-dei-protocolli.html - Note of 
the Editor) examined the aforementioned quotes allegedly stemming from old Hebrew sources, 
and proved that they were either falsified (though long before Evola), taken out of context, or in 
some cases freely invented." In fact, C. Mattogno, who cannot read Aramaic more than Hansen 
or us can, and who, as a result, cannot check the primary sources, does not reveal anything that J. 
Evola did not already know, relying as he is on his own second or third hand sources. Let us go 
further : as is well-known, Aramaic, as any Semitic language, uses no vowels. "Imagine, A. 
Fomenko points out, how precise the kind of writing that consisted of nothing but consonants 
would be today, when the combination BLD, for instance, could mean blood, bled, build, boiled, 
bald, etc. (...) The vocalization aleatory quotient in ancient Hebraic and other old languages is 
exceptionally high. Many consonant combination may be vocalized in dozens of ways. Gesenius 
wrote that "it was easily understood how imperfect and unclear such writing method had been" (quoted in [765]). 
T. R Curtis also noted that "even for the priests he meaning of the scriptures remained extremely doubtful and 
could only be understood with the aid of the tradition and its authority" (quoted in [765], p. 155). Robertson Smith 
adds that "the scholars had no other guide but the actual text, that was often ambiguous, and oral tradition. 
They had no grammatical rules to follow ; the Hebraic that they wrote in often allowed for verbal 
constructions that were impossible in the ancient language." In any case, the Talmud needs to be 
kept in proportion, put into perspective, demystified, so as to reduce the morbid fascination it 
often holds for Gentiles. Even if all the Talmudic quotes produced by anti-Semites were false, be 
it because they were fabricated or as a result of mistranslation, Deuteronomy 7:16, 2:25, 9:3, 
9:11, 11:23, 12:2-3, to name a few, are explicit enough not to leave any doubt about the 
'feelings' of the Jews for him and what they have in store for him. The inspiration of the Talmud 
is not different from that of the Torah. It extended the Law to apply specifically to Christianity. 

In the last paragraphs of 'J. Evola's attitude toward the Jews', scholarly self-righteousness, 
boosted by intellectual dishonesty, reach new heights of Jesuitism. When the preface writer 
asserts that "Even if some things announced in the Protocols, although already easy to recognize 
at the time of their publication, such as Liberalism and Rationalism and the dissolution of family 
ties, have come to pass, there are scores of contradictions and absurdities in them that destroy 
their 'authenticity'", he shies away from the main point made by the Italian author, which is that 
"the problem of their 'authenticity' is secondary to the far more serious and essential problem of 
their 'veracity', as already emphasised by Giovani Preziosi when he published them for the first 
time seventeen years ago. The serious and positive conclusion of the whole controversy which 
has developed since is that, even if we assume that the Protocols are not 'authentic' in the narrow 
sense, it comes to the same thing as if they were, for two capital and decisive reasons : 
1) because the facts show that they describe the real state of affairs truthfully ; 
2) because their correspondence with the governing ideas of both traditional and modern Judaism 
is indisputable." ( http://thompkins cariou.tripod.com/id68.html ) 
"(...) the theoretical convergence between the essence of the Protocols and that of Judaism is 
indisputable, and we can infer that, even if the Protocols are invented, the author has written 
what Jews faithful to their tradition and to the deep will of Israel would have thought and 
written." (ibid.) 

True, "In his preface, Evola himself described certain parts of the Protocols, especially toward 
the end, as 'fantasy'", but these parts do not invalidate in the slightest the "theoretical 
convergence between the essence of the Protocols and that of Judaism". What, to J. Evola, "is 
fantasy" is merely Nilus' attempt to compare ", in an apocalyptic tone, the principal ideal of the 
Protocols to the coming of the anti-Christ (the obsession of the Slavic soul)" ; in doing so, "he 
simply raves." 

"A list of these contradictions [the contradictions contained, according to Hansen, in the 
Protocols] is presented in Pierre Charles' 'Les Protocoles des sages de Sion' (Paris-Tournai, 
1938)". From the "condensed Italian version of this book (that) also appeared in Orion" at 
http://andreacarancini.blogspot.com/2010/05/lo-storico-opuscolo-di-pierre-charles.html/ , and, 
more particularly, from his comments on Protocol n° 2 1 , 11 ("We shall replace the money 
markets by grandiose government credit institutions, the object of which will be to fix the price 
of industrial values in accordance with government views. These institutions will be in a position 
to fling upon the market five hundred millions of industrial paper in one day, or to buy up for the 
same amount. In this way all industrial undertakings will come into dependence upon us. You 
may imagine for yourselves what immense power we shall thereby secure for ourselves. . .") - 
"With what resources the state, which will not be able to take out loans and will only be able to 
levy moderate taxes, will carry out this wonderful task, he wonders, the Elders do not tell us. Yet 
this is the main thing.") serious doubts can be cast on the expertise of this Belgian Jesuit in 
economic matters, and, more generally, in the tactics of the forces of anti-European subversion. 

E. C. Kopff once wrote : "With the publication of Men Among the Ruins : Post-War Reflections 
of a Radical Traditionalist, English speakers can read Evola's political views for themselves. 
They will find that the text, in Guido Stucco's workman-like translation, edited by Michael 
Moynihan, is guarded by a double firewall." 
( http ://w w w . toqonline .com/blog/j ulius-evola-on-tradition/ ) . Drawing on this metaphor, it would 
be more accurate to say that J. Evola suffered a hacking attempt. 

Now, it could be objected that Evola says in Tl Cammino del Cinabro' that "after the second 
world war, (he) was to state the absurdity of stressing the 'Jewish' or 'Aryan' problem, from a 
higher point of view, precisely for the simple reason that the negative attitude attributed to Jews 
is now shown by the majority of Aryans', without the latter having the former's excuse of a 
hereditary predisposition". It is to the remaining minority that a text such as 'Three Aspects of the 
Jewish Problem' is addressed. Obviously, "it would be completely absurd to take up again today 
similar problems on the practical plane" (ibidem). 'On the practical plane', but not on the 
theoretical. 
"To react against one's own racial awareness, to feel in oneself a revolt against one's own ideas, 
means to prove oneself not to be in harmony with one's race ; to think that there is something 
ridiculous and 'scientifically' untenable about the Aryan and Nordic-Aryan myth means to create 
an alibi for a non- Aryan and non-Nordic vocation, that cannot but be related to the substratum of 
a corresponding race of the body, or, at least, race of the soul, in the person in question". 

BK 

(1) A Hungarian translation of 'Tre Aspetti del Problemaebraico' (Azsidokerdesrol) was 
published in three parts in 2001, in issues 34, 35, and 36 of a magazine called 
'Pannon 'http://www.geocities.com/pannon_front/34/08evola.htm). 

(2) 'Cammino" means 'walk, 'path' or 'way' in English, 'walk' in a sense of 'journey, the act of 
traveling from one place to another', 'path' in a sense of 'line or route along which someone 
travels', 'way' in a sense of 'itinerary, direction, journey', all of which, used figuratively, are able 
to assume a spiritual meaning. 'II Cammino del Cinabro' could thus be translated either as 'The 
Path of Cinnabar' or as 'The Way of Cinnabar' or as 'The Road of Cinnabar'. It is the latter that 
we have chosen, for the following reason, which we see as decisive. In the entire work of Evola, 
when it comes to designating a spiritual behaviour, a series of spiritual acts turned towards an 
end and considered as a way that one wants to follow, that is to say, a path in the spiritual sense 
of the term, Evola always uses the Italian term 'via', rightly translated as 'way' or 'path'. The 
translators do this, for example, in 'The Doctrine of Awakening' or in 'The Yoga of Power' ' ; i.e. 
'the path of the right hand' ('La via della mano destra'), 'The path of the left hand' ('La via della 
mano sinistra'), 'the Buddhist path' ('la via buddista') and so on. The term 'cammino' is never used 
by him in such a context. Besides, the fact is that, while 'the path of the right hand' and 'the path 
of the left hand' are traditional terms for given spiritual paths, there is no such term as 'cammino 
del cinabro': the term 'cinnabar ('cinabro') simply designates the conclusion of the alchemical 
work, the marriage of sulphur and mercury, the elixir of immortality. This, with respect to what 
Evola said in 'II Cammino del Cinabro' about having had 'to open a way on his own', leads us to a 
much more important question, closely related to the one of the translation of the title of this 
book into English: was this a new road that Evola endeavoured to tread ('cammino' also implies 
the idea of a constant sustained effort)? Let us clarify this point: it is generally assumed that 
Evola followed the path of the left hand or the 'humid path', on the basis of 'Cavalcare la Tigre' 
and its largely autobiographical content. This is true only to a certain extent. In 'II Cammino del 
Cinabro', Evola mentions that, in his youth, he reached a point where there seemed no other 
course open to him than suicide, before an early Buddhist text (Majjhimanikayo, I, 1) put him 'on 
the right track', and it was most likely tantric practices that led him for a while to consider 
suicide. By 'on the right track', we only mean: 'right' in his case, true as it it is that, according to 
Aryan Buddhism, nothing is negative or positive as such, but what can be positive for certain 
people can turn out to be negative for others and vice-versa. The reading of this Buddhist text 
acted on him as a revelation, and, from then on, he was to follow the 'dry path' practices, that, so 
to speak, came to balance his previous tantric experiences. In fact, Evola practiced both ways, 
and, if 'Cavalcare la tigre' may 'reflect my own way' ("The maxims and the orientations indicated 
in it are those that I endeavoured to follow in my life"), this does not mean that these are 
exclusively related to the path of the left hand, as any attentive reader of this book will have 
noticed. What he did follow, as he pointed out himself, was rather, if we may put it this way, a 
synthesis of both paths. 
While we are at it, we would like to draw people's attention to the fact that there are two different 
editions of 'II Cammino del Cinabro'. The first edition dates from 1963 (Scheiwiller). The second 
edition, enlarged, from 1972, still by Scheiwiller. The French edition of it, 'Le Chemin du 
Cinabre' (Arche Milano, 1982), appears to be based on the second edition. 

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